The production of political legitimacy is an open-ended process that is created by the continuous reproduction and negotiations between the ruling regime and its citizens. This thesis aims to...Show moreThe production of political legitimacy is an open-ended process that is created by the continuous reproduction and negotiations between the ruling regime and its citizens. This thesis aims to answer the research question How has insecurity and the role of inefficient institutions affected the political legitimacy of Felipe Calderón's 2006-2012 presidential terms? The research paper first explores the parameters of political legitimacy and utilises the normative approach as a theoretical framework of political legitimacy in combination with Hansen's definition of political legitimacy as components to measure Felipe Calderón's regime legitimacy. Thereafter, the text analyses the utilization of electoral legitimacy and revolutionary legitimacy as a tool to maintain and re-assert power and legitimacy during the PRI era, Vincente Fox's administration and its continual use during Calderón's presidential term. Furthermore, the thesis also examines the effects of the three minor variables: criminal violence, media, and public perception on (in)security and (in)efficient institutions on three specific events: the 2006 Mexican presidential election; Felipe Calderón's war on drugs; and the opening event of the monument Coloso and have founded that the insecurity and the role of inefficient institutions have largely decreased the political legitimacy of Felipe Calderóns 2006-2012 presidential term. The paper concludes that Calderón's presidential term was deemed as intially legitimate by the public during electoral process. However, the increase in insecurity and the inefficiency within state institutions greatly decreased the regime's legitimacy by the end of Felipe Calderón's presidential term.Show less
The wave of social protests hitting Chile since October 2019 disclosed a socio-economic reality made of inequalities, far from Chile’s ostensible façade of a stable democracy and exemplary model of...Show moreThe wave of social protests hitting Chile since October 2019 disclosed a socio-economic reality made of inequalities, far from Chile’s ostensible façade of a stable democracy and exemplary model of economic growth in Latin America. This BA thesis explores historical and contingent motivations behind the social upheaval, investigating how feelings of relative depravation triggered Chileans to take action. Specifically, the study focuses on women’s perception of their group’s socio-economic disadvantage with related resentment and complaints, and on how protests dynamics favoured or hindered female participation in protest events.Show less
In light of the Latin American neo-extractivism model of development, this thesis investigates the role Rafael Correa has fulfilled with respect to the environment and population. In doing so, it...Show moreIn light of the Latin American neo-extractivism model of development, this thesis investigates the role Rafael Correa has fulfilled with respect to the environment and population. In doing so, it questions whether Correa's views on environmental sustainability and social welfare have radically altered the neoliberal foundations of the economy, most importantly the influence of transnational companies, and whether his leadership has improved the socio-environmental circumstances of Ecuador. The thesis deals with the incorporation of Buen Vivir into the Constitution, including its controversies; Ecuador’s social indicators before and during Correa’s presidency; the treatment of Correa of an internationally prominent lawsuit against the US company Texaco; and the president’s response to social dissent and consequences for democratic representation.Show less
Based on the resent Venezuelan economic crisis turned political crisis, this paper discusses how this transition influenced the treatment of protesters. To analyse these events and their...Show moreBased on the resent Venezuelan economic crisis turned political crisis, this paper discusses how this transition influenced the treatment of protesters. To analyse these events and their interconnectivity, politicisation and militarisation were consulted. Moreover, the effects of continues politicisation on Venezuela's public security were discussed in connection with an increase in militarisation. Through this research securitisation was identified as the connecting element for an increase in militarisation as a result of continues politicisation.Show less
This thesis aims at providing a research on Mexican-American security cooperation under the Mérida Initiative, initiated in 2008, and more precisely regarding the drug trafficking and cartels in...Show moreThis thesis aims at providing a research on Mexican-American security cooperation under the Mérida Initiative, initiated in 2008, and more precisely regarding the drug trafficking and cartels in Mexico.Show less
Even though the international system is changing, hegemonic countries, such as the United States, and key international forums have appeared to hold on to more traditional power dynamics in order...Show moreEven though the international system is changing, hegemonic countries, such as the United States, and key international forums have appeared to hold on to more traditional power dynamics in order to maintain their power positions. This has made it more difficult for Latin America as a region, and its individual countries, to become completely independent, economically and politically, from foreign actors. However, since the start of the 21st century, a new kind of regionalism has been established in Latin America described by some as ‘post-hegemonic’ and ‘post-neoliberal’ regionalism. The Union of South American Nations or la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (UNASUR) has been one of the most recent regional organisations in Latin America which appears to have been incorporated in this new wave of regionalism.Show less
Venezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in...Show moreVenezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in Venezuela also one of the highest of Latin America. In this thesis the level of influence of corruption on the resource curse will be assessed, specifically looking at the case study of Venezuela during the Bolivarian Revolution of Hugo Chávez. First, a theoretical framework is created in order to understand the relation between corruption and the resource curse. Second, a contextualization is provided through analyzing the Punto Fijo Pact which preceded the Hugo Chávez government. In this chapter increasing dissatisfaction of the Venezuelan population is shown, which together with the Caracazo massacre, created a platform for Hugo Chávez to gain power and popularity. In the third chapter, the theoretical framework will be applied to Chávez’s Venezuela and its consequences. Whereas the theoretical framework suggests that the resource curse is strengthened by corruption and thus will prevent a country with an abundant resource from developing, the case of Venezuela appears to be have proved the contrary. After analyzing the resource curse in Venezuela it shows that even though an abundant resource is present and corruption is still increasing, the oil revenues have allowed Hugo Chávez to fund several new socioeconomic programs which largely have benefitted the Venezuelan development.Show less
This study involves the idea of citizen security to the community policing projects in Rio de Janeiro called the UPP. In the discussion of security a Western lens is used in most studies, whereas...Show moreThis study involves the idea of citizen security to the community policing projects in Rio de Janeiro called the UPP. In the discussion of security a Western lens is used in most studies, whereas in the case of Latin America there is not a sense of public security, but rather citizen security. This study tries to examine how citizen security has been effected through the UPP projects. This is done through the theories of citizenship, police-citizenship relationships, and community policing.Show less
This thesis analyses alternative forms of governance to manage land conflict and criminal violence in the Ixil region in Guatemala. Under conditions of weak state presence, European-centric...Show moreThis thesis analyses alternative forms of governance to manage land conflict and criminal violence in the Ixil region in Guatemala. Under conditions of weak state presence, European-centric governance approaches have been sceptical about governance in countries with a weak institutional culture and precarious democracy. However, on pointing out the democratic stance governance should achieve, they have overlooked alternative forms of order and the contribution of (non)state actors on the provision of services. In an attempt to solve this dilemma, this thesis proposes to broad the notion of governance to understand “who governs for whom, and how are governance services provided under the conditions of weak statehood?” (Risse 4). The study suggests looking at how are (non)state actors related to each other in the sense that they provide services otherwise not provided by the state. Based on a study of the Ixil region, this thesis describes operations and practices amongst an array of (non)state actors that work and cooperate, separately and together, for the provision of services through arrangements we characterise as ‘alternative governance’.Show less
