Every year, Morocco sends hundreds of imams to different countries in Europe during Ramadan to support the local Moroccan community. They are sent by the Foundation Hassan II, a foundation...Show moreEvery year, Morocco sends hundreds of imams to different countries in Europe during Ramadan to support the local Moroccan community. They are sent by the Foundation Hassan II, a foundation safeguarding the cultural and religious identity of the diaspora. This research focuses on this institution and examines the ways in which religion is manifested in foreign policy in relation to the diaspora in the Netherlands. This is done by analyzing a national policy called the Stratégie Nationale en faveur des Marocains du Monde by the Ministère chargé des Marocains Résidant à l’Etranger et des Affaires de la Migration. In the case of the Netherlands, religion is mainly manifested by sending religious personnel and materials. In general, Morocco emphasizes a return transnationalism within its policy by motivating contributing to the country’s development, but also return to Morocco. This return transnationalism was first visible in the terminology that Morocco used to refer to the migrants which were underlinging the economic purposes of the migration. This later evolved into a term that also emphasized cultural and religious elements. Furthermore, various institutions were found to represent the interests of the diaspora, including the Fondation, but this system is not flawless because their cooperation can be ineffective. The study also covers the invention of “Moroccan Islam” as a colonial construct and the Moroccan interpretation of Islam that consist of four pillars. These pillars are also visible in the Strategy for example by emphasizing the Maliki Madhhab or moderate nature of the Moroccan interpretation of Islam.Show less
Since the first oil-boom of the 1970s, the Arab Gulf countries have witnessed rapid socio-economic developments as a result of expansive oil-revenues. These rapid socioeconomic developments were...Show moreSince the first oil-boom of the 1970s, the Arab Gulf countries have witnessed rapid socio-economic developments as a result of expansive oil-revenues. These rapid socioeconomic developments were multifaceted, but in a region known for its social conservatism, it is interesting to explore the evolution of the position of women amid socio-economic changes. The expression of female agency offers numerous possibilities to explore this evolution in Arab-Gulf societies from a woman’s perspective, but it also offers challenges to Western academics as contemporary literature on female agency in the Arab Gulf is limited. In this thesis, I present a case study of the social media accounts of six Arab-Gulf women with a relatively large social media following. Research has been conducted into their social media posts to explain a changing attitude in female agency in the Arab Gulf, in terms of clothing, self-expression and positioning in their society. As all six women are part of the wealthier echelons of their society, it is interesting to observe that there is little cohesion in their posts to changing societal progress in terms of women’s rights. While the women seem to acknowledge societal change through their posts, none of them used their relatively large social media following to explicitly call out leaders to demand rights or to express gratitude for obtained rights. This research highlights the need for further exploration into the expression of female agency through the use of social media in a digitalizing world.Show less
In 1952 the royal Mohammed Ali-dynasty of Egypt is swept away by revolution. Since then no restoration movement has emerged. Restoration movements are an understudied phenomenon and no overarching...Show moreIn 1952 the royal Mohammed Ali-dynasty of Egypt is swept away by revolution. Since then no restoration movement has emerged. Restoration movements are an understudied phenomenon and no overarching theoretical framework exists via which their relative strength can be explained. This thesis investigates the reasons behind the lack of an existence of a restoration movement for the Mohammed Ali-dynasty. It does so via a partial application of Grounded theory, which enables the emergence of an explanatory theory via continuous analysis and the use of a wide array of sources. Through a thorough analysis of the existing academic literature concerning the Mohammed Ali-dynasty, Post-revolutionary Egyptian politics an extensive overview is provided of all known restoration sentiments concerning the Mohammed Ali-dynasty. This overview is expanded by analyzing previously unused sources, such as the Dutch national archives, and via an investigation of the political actions of several prominent members of the dynasty. This detailed description of restoration sentiments enables a comparison with the restoration movements for the Bourbons, Senussis and Pahlavis. This comparison finds several crucial factors which are not present in the case of the Mohammed Ali-dynasty and therefore help explain the lack of a restoration movement for this dynasty. In doing this this thesis also provides an initial outline for a broader theoretical framework concerning restoration movements.Show less
The pressing water shortages, extreme population growth, and high food dependency rates lie at the roots of the contemporary food crisis in the MENA region. These circumstances will exaggerate in...Show moreThe pressing water shortages, extreme population growth, and high food dependency rates lie at the roots of the contemporary food crisis in the MENA region. These circumstances will exaggerate in the near future, leading to even more challenges in guaranteeing food security. There is an ongoing academic debate on whether the region should focus on the international food market or strive for food self-sufficiency. According to some, the former lies at the roots of the food crisis, while the latter is challenging because of climate issues. To contribute to this debate, this thesis critically examines the coming about of the food crisis based on food regime theory. It takes Tunisia, Morocco, and Egypt as case studies to reflect on the agricultural policy in the MENA region from the colonial period onwards. There is a large focus on the neoliberal food regime, being the current global system of food production, consumption, and distribution that can be characterised by 1) a liberalised agricultural market, 2) a centralisation of power and wealth through large agribusiness from the Global North, 3) a focus on the export market and 4) the significant role of International Financial Institutions like the WB and the IMF. This thesis expounds on the contemporary food crisis in the MENA region, both in socio-economic and ecological terms, and explores the relationship between the neoliberal food regime and these issues. As for prospects, it suggests combining food self-sufficiency with the global market, striving for a fair and sustainable global food system that takes into account the contemporary context, its historical background, economic and collaboration opportunities and ecological restrictions. This entails a critical reflection on the role of the persisting Global North in the contemporary food regime and the global food crisis.Show less
In dit eindwerkstuk wordt onderzoek gedaan naar de kennismigratie van vrouwen uit Turkije. Het onderzoek geeft verklaringen voor het vormen van een vertrekintentie en het uiteindelijke besluit om...Show moreIn dit eindwerkstuk wordt onderzoek gedaan naar de kennismigratie van vrouwen uit Turkije. Het onderzoek geeft verklaringen voor het vormen van een vertrekintentie en het uiteindelijke besluit om te vertrekken. Dit wordt gedaan door allereerst naar de politieke, sociaal-economische en sociaal-culturele factoren te kijken die trigger vormen voor het ontwikkelen van vertrekintentie. Vervolgens wordt het gehele proces dat doorlopen wordt door een kennismigrant behandeld. Daarbij wordt eerst ingegaan op het onderwijssysteem, vervolgens de arbeidsmarkt en arbeidsparticipatie en uiteindelijk kennismigratie. Als laatste in Hoofdstuk 3 wordt dieper ingezoomd op de genderdimensie in kennismigratie. Naast een vragenlijst gericht naar zowel mannen als vrouwen die gemigreerd naar Nederland zijn, zijn diepte-interviews gehouden met hoogopgeleide gemigreerde vrouwen die werkzaam zijn bij een groot internationaal bank. De resultaten van dit onderzoek laten zien dat verschillende thema’s zoals onderwijs, niet hebben van een vooruitzicht en de economische ondergang of voorspellingen van economische ondergang als belangrijkste triggers worden geformuleerd door de geïnterviewden. Een nieuw thema geïntroduceerd als resultaat in de interviews is de internationale mindset en directe omgeving met voorbeelden van vertrek. Dit is gedeeltelijk te herleiden naar de westerse manier van onderwijzen, de privé-universiteiten die in de jaren 1980 geopend werden die meer georiënteerd zijn naar het westen en de sociale omgeving. Een verklaring die vrouwen geven voor vrouwen die vertrekken is de globale mindset, onderwijs en sociale omgeving die meer openheid en lef biedt aan vrouwen. Verder onderzoek is nodig om verschillen tussen kennismigranten in verschillende periodes van tijd te onderzoeken, omdat dit onderzoek geen onderscheid maakt in specifiekere periodes van kennismigratie. Dit zou voor de laatste vijf jaar (na de couppoging en de hyperinflatie) anders kunnen zijn dan de migratie daarvoor.Show less
This research investigates the factors contributing to a change in the anti-Semitic discourse used by some Palestinian Syrian Dutch individuals (PSDs) during their participation in pro-Palestine...Show moreThis research investigates the factors contributing to a change in the anti-Semitic discourse used by some Palestinian Syrian Dutch individuals (PSDs) during their participation in pro-Palestine protests in the Netherlands. Based on interviews conducted with five PSDs, this study has focused on studying the impact of different factors leading to a new understanding of anti-Semitism. The findings indicate that a shift away from the use of anti-Semitic rhetoric took place amongst the participants, as observed in four different aspects. While this does not necessarily mean that anti-Semitism is not present, the general trend indicates a shift toward a more inclusive discourse in the future. As such, it is important to consider these factors that helped change this rhetoric and take them into account in the context of discussing anti-Semitic discourse in pro-Palestinian demonstrations taking place in the Netherlands.Show less
The status of women in Iran has been extensively discussed in academic literature. This paper focused on how women in Iran are being portrayed by the media in historiography, classical literature...Show moreThe status of women in Iran has been extensively discussed in academic literature. This paper focused on how women in Iran are being portrayed by the media in historiography, classical literature and novels, newspapers, television, films and drama serials. This literature overview demonstrates that women in Iran are underrepresented and invariably displayed within the framework of ignorant housewives, caring mothers and sex slaves or entertainers (of their husband). This perception contradicts with the actual representativeness of women within the Iranian media culture with regard to what they themselves strive for: exposing and combating gender inequality. Since the 19th century women in Iran have started to develop and organize women's organizations to fight for women’s rights by participating in political demonstrations and institutions. With the advent of the internet, Iranian women could communicate online about women-related topics. The increased influence of social media apps, such as Facebook and Instagram, enabled Iranian women's activism to develop to the fullest. Masih Alinejad's contributions on Facebook and Instagram are an example of this. Her successful My Stealthy Freedom- movement has raised awareness about the position of the Iranian woman in general and specifically about the mandatory hijab rule. This paper conducted a qualitative content analysis on forty of Masih Alinejad’s Instagram-posts in May 2022 to demonstrate how she contributes to the social debate on the position of women in Iranian society. The research demonstrated that Alinejad informs her Instagram followers with personal journalistic stories and then tries to stir up the moral consciousness of her followers. Thereafter, Alinejad motives her followers to take action to improve women’s status in Iran and the rest of the world. Alinejad’s online activism has not (yet) induced governmental policy changes in Iran, however her movement has contributed to the advancement of Iranian women's rights movement in size and reach.Show less
Bu araştırmanın konusu Elif Shafak’ın en son Kıbrıs’taki anlaşmazlık hakkında olan kitabı ‘Ağaçları kayıp olan Ada’daki hatıra söylemleri olmaktadır. Yirminci asrın başlangıcında Rum ile Türk...Show moreBu araştırmanın konusu Elif Shafak’ın en son Kıbrıs’taki anlaşmazlık hakkında olan kitabı ‘Ağaçları kayıp olan Ada’daki hatıra söylemleri olmaktadır. Yirminci asrın başlangıcında Rum ile Türk Kıbrıslıların arasında gerilimlerin ortaya çıkmasıyla, şimdiki siyasi hedeflere ulaşmak için geçmişle şimdiki zaman hakkında çeşitli hikayeler oluşturulmuştur. Bu hikayeler çoğunlukla Sağ ile Sol siyasal akımlarına göre ayırt edilebilir; Sağdakiler kendi etnik grubunun katlanması gereken haksız eziyetini vurgularken ve milliyetçi düşünceleri savunurken, Soldakiler ortak eziyeti vurgular ve milliyetçiliği aşmak ister. Bu hikayeler hatıra bilimleri bölümünde ‘hatıra söylemleri’ olarak bilinir ve aynı olaylar hakkında farklı gruplar tarafından çeşitli hatıraların oluşturulmasına atfetmektedir. Shafak’ın kitabı Kıbrıs’taki anlaşmazlık hakkında olan ilk roman olduğuna göre, anlaşmazlığın edebiyattaki sunması hakkında bugüne dek hiçbir akademik araştırma yapılmamıştır. Bu nedeniyle, bu araştırmanın amacı Shafak’ın kitabında belirli bir hatıra söylemi kullanıp kullanmaması ve kullanmışsa Kıbrıs’taki anlaşmazlığın hakkında olan hatıra söylemlerine uyup uymadığını ortaya çıkarmak olmaktadır. Bu araştırmanın metodolojisi qualitative content analysis, yani kategorizasyon aracılığıyla elde edilmiş verilerin derinlemesine analiz olmaktadır. Bu yöntemin bulguları Shafak’ın Sağcı ve milliyetçi düşüncelerinin romanında tanımlaması, ama desteklememesi olmaktadır. Aksine, kitap milliyetçiliği karşılamak amacıyla çoğunlukla milliyetçiliği aşan ve hem Rum hem Türk Kıbrıslılar için ortak bir Kıbrıslı kimlik sağlamaktadır.Show less
Het doel van deze scriptie is om de impact van de COVID-19-pandemie op het Turkse onderwijs te onderzoeken. Het Turkse onderwijs kampte al voor de pandemie met ernstige problemen, zoals...Show moreHet doel van deze scriptie is om de impact van de COVID-19-pandemie op het Turkse onderwijs te onderzoeken. Het Turkse onderwijs kampte al voor de pandemie met ernstige problemen, zoals kansenongelijkheid. Door kansenongelijkheid hadden sommige leerlingen geen toegang tot ICT-voorzieningen. Tijdens de pandemie werd er overgestapt naar het afstandsonderwijs, waardoor de verschillen in toegang tot technologie, oftewel de digitale kloof, verergerden. Alhoewel de digitale kloof impactvol was voor alle middelbare scholieren, was het mogelijk problematischer voor 12e-klassers. Zij bereidden zich namelijk voor op de toelatingstoets voor de universiteit. Er zijn echter geen onderzoeken die de gevolgen voor 12e-klassen in de context van de digitale kloof onderzoeken. Om dit (gedeeltelijk) tegemoet te komen, is een enquête gehouden. Uit de enquêteresultaten bleek dat onvoldoende technologische mogelijkheden het grootste obstakel vormde. Leerlingen konden hun lessen niet bijwonen of voortzetten door verbindingsproblemen met het netwerk/systeem, dat werd veroorzaakt door het ontbreken van een (stabiele) internetverbinding. De digitale kloof, en kansenongelijkheid, had aanzienlijk meer gevolgen voor leerlingen die in een dorp woonden, en/of naar openbare scholen gingen. Ook is geconstateerd dat door COVID-19 kansenongelijkheid is toegenomen, doordat sommige leerlingen privélessen kregen of naar een dershane gingen en anderen niet. Tot slot speelt ongelijkheid in onderwijskwaliteit tussen 12e-klassers van tijdens COVID, en 12e-klassers van voorgaande jaren.Show less
