Abstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform...Show moreAbstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform emphasizing social justice and wealth redistribution, these parties have likewise embraced neoliberal economic policies. This thesis investigates how the Egyptian Freedom and Justice Party, the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development have justified these two apparent contradictions and whether these parties perceive the latter as being antithetical to the former. On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, I conclude that the main channels through which these parties believe social justice and wealth redistribution are to be achieved in a neoliberal economy is through ‘trickle-down economics’ and wealth redistribution through zakat and other forms of individual charity. Evaluating the respective parties’ periods in power, one would have to conclude that as far as securing social justice is concerned, the reality is quite different from the campaign rhetoric. This has to some large extent been caused by demands raised by international financial institutions in exchange for loans to these countries, but likewise occurred prior to engaging in negotiations and eventually signing agreements with these institutions. Especially in the realm of labor laws, minimum wage laws, stimulating small and medium size enterprises and reducing subsidies on much needed consumer goods, the parties have not lived up to their earlier promises.Show less
In present-day America, the issue of whether or not Arab immigrants and communities will assimilate into mainstream American culture is at the forefront of political discussions and media...Show moreIn present-day America, the issue of whether or not Arab immigrants and communities will assimilate into mainstream American culture is at the forefront of political discussions and media presentations. By using the school setting of Fordson High School in Dearborn, Michigan—where the student population consists of 95% Arabs of American descent (ArDs) and 90% Muslims—to analyze identity formation in terms of Americanism, ethnicity/race, gender, and religion, the answer to this encompassing question begins to be understood. Using interviews and participant observation, this study analyzes the complexity of an Arab-American identity within a post-9/11 America, drawing attention to the intricacies of how ArDs identify specific attributes, actions, and values and how the school communities shapes these in this post-9/11 era. From this information, I analyzed how Fordson acts both actively and passively to influence the identities of its students and staff.Show less
Analyse van de visie van verscheidene Israëlische en Arabische media (kranten/ TV-zenders) op resolutie 2334, uitgegeven door de VN-Veiligheidsraad op 23 december 2016, ook wel bekend als de 'Anti...Show moreAnalyse van de visie van verscheidene Israëlische en Arabische media (kranten/ TV-zenders) op resolutie 2334, uitgegeven door de VN-Veiligheidsraad op 23 december 2016, ook wel bekend als de 'Anti-Israëlische nederzettingen-resolutie'Show less
The agricultural virtual water trade is estimated to contribute 248 billion cubic metres to the water security of the MENA region every year, and this thesis examines the theory of the virtual...Show moreThe agricultural virtual water trade is estimated to contribute 248 billion cubic metres to the water security of the MENA region every year, and this thesis examines the theory of the virtual water trade to find out how exactly the region has integrated into that trade. Despite sizeable and growing virtual water dependence in the region, and a state of abstract water scarcity, 85 percent of MENA water withdrawals are still committed to agriculture. For the region to commit its scarce water resources to low-value productivity such as agriculture carries a very high opportunity cost. This paper will ask the following questions: How has the MENA region integrated into the virtual water trade, what is the opportunity cost of its agricultural policies, and how does it perpetuate its agricultural policies? This paper makes two principal arguments. Firstly, this paper acknowledges the important role played by imported foodstuffs in meeting the food and water security needs of the region. Generally, the region imports low-value water-intensive crops such as wheat, and exports higher-value crops such as tomatoes and citrus fruits, though until recently wheat production has also been prominent and widespread in the region. This paper argues that because the MENA region relies on water from rivers and aquifers (blue water) to irrigate, whereas other parts of the world can make use more of soil moisture (green water), the opportunity costs for the water use in the MENA region are far greater than those in other parts of the world. This paper will make an attempt to calculate those costs, showing that the MENA region exports virtual water for a far higher opportunity cost than is borne by those countries that export virtual water to the MENA region. Secondly, this paper argues that the region’s reliance on imported virtual water backgrounds and conceals policies of water mismanagement and misallocation – policies which are then perpetuated by nationally and internationally funded major water engineering projects that prolong unsustainable practices.Show less
“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for...Show more“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for destruction and cost in opportunity: the use of sectarianism as a geopolitical weapon. Sectarianism encourages extremist rhetoric and violence and serves to distract a populations from economic and social concerns by providing a convenient enemy on which to focus.” This quote by the Soufan group, a strategic security consulting group, displays an opinion that is shared by mainstream media across the globe. The Middle East has apparently fallen into a state of religious extremism where violent sectarianism is every day’s business. Current day Syria seems to be the focal point of all this sectarian violence. This paper tries to analyse what exactly that sectarian violence entails in the SYrian Civil War, and whether we should indeed look at it as a sectarian conflict, or rather a conflict with sectarian aspects.Show less
In this thesis i explore the changing boundaries of gender and sexuality in nineteenth century Iran. Iranian society was greatly influenced by European modernity and tried to combine this met...Show moreIn this thesis i explore the changing boundaries of gender and sexuality in nineteenth century Iran. Iranian society was greatly influenced by European modernity and tried to combine this met Iranian tradition and Islam. By analyzing the books The Vices of Men and The Education of Women i show how traditional upper-class Iranians dealt with the modernization of gender and sexuality in society.Show less
In this thesis I will explore the meaning of the term "Himyaritic" as used by the early Islamic scholar Muhammad al-Hamdani in his description of the linguistic landscape in early Islamic Yemen. I...Show moreIn this thesis I will explore the meaning of the term "Himyaritic" as used by the early Islamic scholar Muhammad al-Hamdani in his description of the linguistic landscape in early Islamic Yemen. I will compare his description with both pre-Islamic inscriptions as well as modern-day dialectological data.Show less
