This thesis contributes to the body of literature that attempts to identify the reasons behind the long-standing inability of various Middle Eastern and African states to implement the...Show moreThis thesis contributes to the body of literature that attempts to identify the reasons behind the long-standing inability of various Middle Eastern and African states to implement the international guidelines of sustainable economic development. By integrating the findings of historical sociology, rentier state theory, and political economy within the New Institutional Economics framework, it opens a path towards explaining the relative resilience of some developing autocratic regimes to social change and consolidation of impersonal markets. For this purpose, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been selected for a case study as, more clearly than others, it demonstrates the remarkable ways in which traditional social norms can be appropriated by the leadership and constrain institutional development. At the center of the historical narrative, the work puts the concept of patrimonialism as an informal system of embedded customary rules that fundamentally enhanced the chances for survival of the pre-state Arabian communities. In order to assess the extent to which it shaped the subsequent evolution of institutional matrix and its particular societal incentives until the most recent form, the author traces its institutional, organizational, and economic manifestations over a century of state building process from its tribal origins. Based on the analysis of historical sources it firstly argues that the centralized hierarchic distribution has characterized the social organization long before the discovery of oil, though it heavily depended on secondary elites due to the material shortage at that time. While the oil-related fiscal surpluses enabled expansion of the allocation state and diminished the influence of elites on policymaking, the pre-state governance structures were instrumentalized for personal interests of the autocratic ruler and gradually emerged as the cornerstone of modern institutional environment. This allowed for neopatrimonial strategies of co-option and domination that helped to enlarge the social hierarchy during the fiscal surplus and sustain it over crises. Accordingly, the following process tracing analysis demonstrates this correlation by analyzing the significant legislative decisions and personnel shifts of the Council of Ministers between 1953-2018, and compares them to the macroeconomic developments. Although there are occasional disruptions caused by exceptional external or internal events on one side and, increasingly, authoritarian learning on the other, an apparent pro-cyclical pattern stands out throughout the study, in which the weakness of distributional networks leads to greater institutional and organizational concessions that in turn facilitate decentralization and socio-economic development. Thereby, the author urges for an alternative approach to economic reforms in the Gulf, pointing out the significance of institutional reform for an actual change towards an effective, market-based and sustainable development, and warning from socio-economic impacts of further centralization.Show less
This thesis titled studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971.The thesis titled “Maoism in Turkey” studies the localization...Show moreThis thesis titled studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971.The thesis titled “Maoism in Turkey” studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971. In doing so, it analyzes the debates on and about Maoism within the intellectual field around the journal Proleter Devrimci Aydnlk (Proletarian Revolutionary Enlightenment, PDA). This thesis divided into three parts, The first part assesses how Maoism sprawled from China and reached the rest of the world, included Turkey. The second part assesses why Turkish leftist group adopt Maoism and the establishment of the Maoist Journal of Proleter Devrimci Aydınlık. The third part, “Debating Maoism in PDA Journal”, will deal with how Maoism was interpreted by Turkish leftists from 1969 to 1971, through an analysis of the Proleter Devrimci Aydınlık journal and other related leftist journals.Show less
After five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan...Show moreAfter five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan and Central Asia. Research has shown that scholars either look at internal or external factors for the radicalization of Uzbek nationals. This study aims to explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh and if we can speak of a myth or a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Building on existing work on radicalization in Central Asia and Uzbekistan, this research both analyzes the internal and external factors. These internal and external factors have been applied on case studies of three Uzbek individuals committing the international attacks. The analysis was based on a literature research on the history of the region, the Uzbekistan state since 1991 onwards and migration from Central Asia towards Russia, and a textual analysis of (1) videos, messages, and websites, and (2) interviews of journalists with friends, neighbors and family members of the Uzbek individuals in the case study. In addition, the social movement theory and social psychology theory were applied accordingly. The results indicate that we should not speak of a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Besides, the case study shows that external factors particularly explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh. Nevertheless, internal factors could indeed explain other radicalization processes, such as why Uzbek nationals decided to join the Hizb ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.Show less
This thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal...Show moreThis thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of biopower – the power over life - that presents drones and drone operators as life-preserving. Lethal drone strikes are rationalised as necessary acts of pre-emptive killing in order to save valuable life (killing to make life live). However, I also found that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of necropower – the power over death – that deems acceptable the putting to death of entire populations living under drones. Hence, this thesis demonstrates that drone warfare reflects both a biopolitical and a necropolitical rationality.Show less
The works of Gisèle Halimi, and Brigitte Smadja each challenge the implied historical rupture constructed between the colonial and the post-colonial. In their works, they use multiple characters to...Show moreThe works of Gisèle Halimi, and Brigitte Smadja each challenge the implied historical rupture constructed between the colonial and the post-colonial. In their works, they use multiple characters to subvert the accepted singular narrative of colonialism and its impacts, thereby highlighting the multiple and intersecting identities of all participants in the colonial discourse. This thesis aims to review the works constructed by these authors, placing great consideration on each of the authors’ own “intrasubjective complexity”, the way that their intersecting identities interact to formulate identity, and the impact that this has on their portrayal of characters.Show less
In the international system, ISIS and Hezbollah are non-state actors involved in the power struggle characterizing the Middle East, and they found themselves opposed in the Syrian Civil War since...Show moreIn the international system, ISIS and Hezbollah are non-state actors involved in the power struggle characterizing the Middle East, and they found themselves opposed in the Syrian Civil War since 2011. Although they are different by virtue of their confessional identity, they share multiple similarities. Both are the product of the international intervention in Iraq/Syria and Lebanon; both share, until recently, a powerful military apparatus as well as a functional organizational system; both are recognised as terrorist or criminal organization by part of the international community. They share another characteristic too: the pursuit of the Islamic State, a utopia rooted in the teachings of the Qu’ran and Mohammad that calls for the demise of the Western-type of state in the Middle East. Nevertheless, their ideals of Islamic State are essentially different, and different are their historical and political contexts as well as their ideological motivations. One group has declared the Islamic State whereas the other has not. This work aims to unravel under what conditions non-state armed groups claim territorial sovereignty. Consequently, ISIS and Hezbollah are two cases subjected to deep analysis. Building on the concept of rebel governance, I argue that rebel’s strategies are affected respectively by the place and time-frame but mostly by the group’s relationship with the population, other armed groups, and the international community. Notwithstanding, ideology is still the building block of the rebel’s approach. I sustain that historical and political developments have structured the actors’ ideologies which in turn have affected their approaches and consequently the self-determination claim. The difference in the outputs then lies in the ideological and socio-political divide between ISIS and Hezbollah. The contrasting developments of these groups, which replied differently to national and international menaces, and their different regional priorities, as well as their distant ideas of Islamic State, allow us to understand what led to the creation of the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” and the “Party of God”. Inter alia, how the refusal of any compromise and the creation of a new Sunni identity rejecting the nation-state favoured the self-determination, whereas the entry into politics to gain resilience from a plethora of confessional realities has suggested the suspension of the Islamic State.Show less
In September 1975, large civil unrest in Lebanon broke out for the third time in little more than a hundred years. Just like the previous two times in 1860 and 1958, the Maronite community were...Show moreIn September 1975, large civil unrest in Lebanon broke out for the third time in little more than a hundred years. Just like the previous two times in 1860 and 1958, the Maronite community were involved in the fighting. In a country where confessional identity or sect plays a decisive role, a coalition between Maronite warlords called the Lebanese Front was formed in 1976. Together these patriarchs of influential clans could join forces and defend the status quo cemented in the 1943 National Pact that laid the foundation of a multiconfessional and independent Lebanese Republic. In the agreement, that divided political power according to the 1932 census, the Maronites essentially dominated the government apparatus. However, relations between participating parties in the LF turned sour within just a few years. Instead of facing the common enemy, Bashir Gemayel turned against his Maronite allies.Show less
The enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of...Show moreThe enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of the revolutionary nature and ideology of the opposition movements became an issue when the anti-government demonstrations began in Syria and the organization suddenly contradicted its previous posture by backing the regime.The Janus-faced behavior of the organization had an immediate negative impact on the image that Hezbollah had been building through a pragmatic and selective legitimation process. In this scenario, how does Hezbollah react to the challenges to the legitimacy of its organization?. In light of the aforementioned, this thesis will aim to analyze and identify the way in which Hezbollah justify the intervention in Syria to their support groups at the local, national and international level. This research focuses on Hezbollah’s creation of 4 meaning in the ideological discourse in order to justify their actions and preserve their legitimacy at three different levels of target audiences (communal, national, international) by developing diverse context models (van Dijk, 2006, 21) according to each audience’s particular interests.Show less
An analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for...Show moreAn analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for this emotive portrayal in academic studies.Show less
This study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's...Show moreThis study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's changing responses to three crises, is to study the change and continuity in China's contemporary engagement in the Middle East, which could shed some new light on the international academic debates over the discrepancy in China’s evolving strategies toward the Middle East, moreover, offer a better understanding of how China perceives itself in relation to the Middle East.Show less
The exposure of Libya’s political fragmentation and societal disintegration after 2011 was picked up by academics, journalists, and policy researchers who have written on that aspect of the Libyan...Show moreThe exposure of Libya’s political fragmentation and societal disintegration after 2011 was picked up by academics, journalists, and policy researchers who have written on that aspect of the Libyan reality more than any other. Libya is perceived as a fragile state with hundreds of armed groups, multiple claims of governance and tens of warring tribes. Both local and international actors have contributed to this image, but this thesis attempts to argue that there is more than the fragile and disorganized state discourse to describe Libya. The fact that Libyan unity, sovereignty, and independence have survived this extreme level of fragmentation is a question that deserves to be investigated. Thus, through the use of wide range of theories, academic and policy papers, news articles, survey data, and political agreements reports, this thesis aims to answer why and how Libya managed to preserve its status as a state in such an environment. It treats the question as a question of sovereignty by arguing that the traditional definition of sovereignty limits our ability to comprehend the state issue in Libya fully. By focusing on different aspects of sovereignty and by selecting broader definitions of the concept, this thesis argues that Libya’s unity and sovereignty have been preserved so far because international and local actors benefit from this arrangement even though they may be (in)directly contributing to fragmentation in the country. The international community is not willing to let states fall-apart, and the Libyan people do not seem to favor division and separation movements. Local state and non-state actors realize this arrangement, and they have not challenged thus far.Show less
Gaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing...Show moreGaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing populations in opposition-held areas. In theory, the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence provide the framework for gaining impartial access to conflict settings. Ironically, however, in practice the need to gain access has pushed the United Nations to compromise the Humanitarian Principles and comply to President Assad’s demands. While the United Nations’ compromises enable it to access at least government approved areas, these compromises have also facilitated Assad’s siege warfare tactic, population displacements and thereby re-shaped Syria’s socio-political landscape. Analysis of the Syrian conflict often focuses on President Assad’s role in perpetuating violence. Yet, the United Nations’ aid operation plays a similarly crucial role in shaping the dynamic and political outcome of the Syrian conflict. This paper therefore asks; To what extent has the United Nations adhered to the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence in its operations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2017 and what are the implications?Show less
Under the circumstances of a protracted war situation, failures to establish a political solution and no meaningful dialogue on the current security situation in Syria, refugee repatriation and...Show moreUnder the circumstances of a protracted war situation, failures to establish a political solution and no meaningful dialogue on the current security situation in Syria, refugee repatriation and reconstruction dilemmas have become the new subject of matter for Syrian refugee host countries, both European and neighboring, and Syrian government-supporting actors, including Russia and Lebanon’s Hezbollah. Since 2017, several actors in Lebanon actively facilitate and promote the repatriation of Syrians refugees. UNHCR stated that the requirements under international law for the United Nations to organise or encourage voluntary repatriation are not yet in place in Syria. However, UNHCR officers do meet with the returning refugees and are present at all current departure points of the returns facilitated by the Lebanese General Security based on the believe that people’s voluntary choice to return must be respected. This study examines the role of UNHCR in the Syrian repatriation process in Lebanon in order to understand how non-state actors operate vis-à-vis sovereign states and to give insight into the role of international organizations in world politics. The thesis is partly based on field research in Lebanon.Show less
This research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to...Show moreThis research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to understand his contrasting policies towards and harsh repression of the independent civil society sector. Consequently, it describes the manner in which independent civil society has developed since 2011, linking it to rebel civil governance. Finally, the research project concludes with a case study of a CSO founded in 2011. The case study provides insight into the struggles and opportunities of the sector on a concrete level.Show less
