This study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected...Show moreThis study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected the bilateral relationship, particularly in the fields of democracy, human rights, development aid and economic cooperation. An analysis of policy documents and (public) statements by officials from the EU and Egypt shows how migration cooperation has made it difficult for the EU to uphold its image as a normative actor. Egypt's efforts to limit irregular migration to the EU are mainly driven by its economic dependency on the EU.Show less
Dreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes...Show moreDreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes and shifts in spatial boundaries. This study aims to uncover how these visions are manifested regionally and globally. These visions have been challenged by certain realities of infrastructure development. The angle of labour recruitment brings to light how the fantasy of enhanced employment rates and economic success has been disempowered through the exclusion of unskilled labour communities. Building on existing work on social exclusion I ask the question : How has labour recruitment within port structures impacted the developmental and geopolitical imaginations of state actors that are co-developing with the Chinese BRI? This thesis critically engages with debates surrounding labour recruitment and Foreign Direct Investment through two case studies - the UAE and Pakistan. It uses port development as a conceptual space in which these labour recruitment challenges visibly undermine national visions. The study concludes that geopolitical imaginations create ideal mirages of economic development enabling accessibility through infrastructure networks while overlooking the exclusion of unskilled minority labour communities which has the potential to threaten national security.Show less
This thesis explores urban dynamics in Morocco. Specifically, it examines whether the geographies of urban population displacement and poverty concentration in Casablanca have changed due to slum...Show moreThis thesis explores urban dynamics in Morocco. Specifically, it examines whether the geographies of urban population displacement and poverty concentration in Casablanca have changed due to slum eradication since the implementation of the Cities Without Slums Programme in 2004, and if so, how. Moreover, it explores the different political and socioeconomic consequences of this displacement for slum-dwellers. My contribution to the field is an exhaustive search of displacement patterns throughout the Casablanca prefecture and the creation of a dichotomy of soft vs. hard displacement, which differentiates extents of displacement in the region. The theoretical framework that guides the research is a combination of Henri Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space and an analysis of the neoliberal forces at work. This is done through an analysis of Moroccan news media and official policy documents published by different Moroccan state departments that discuss operations of resettlement and rehousing. The research concludes that slum dwellers have indeed been displaced from different areas of Casablanca since the launch of the programme. In some cases, they have been displaced to the periphery, this is to say, to the different provinces and prefectures adjacent to Casablanca. However, in other cases, displacement has taken place within the same area. These different degrees of displacement have had ambiguous political and socioeconomic effects on the affected populations.Show less
This thesis contributes to the body of literature that attempts to identify the reasons behind the long-standing inability of various Middle Eastern and African states to implement the...Show moreThis thesis contributes to the body of literature that attempts to identify the reasons behind the long-standing inability of various Middle Eastern and African states to implement the international guidelines of sustainable economic development. By integrating the findings of historical sociology, rentier state theory, and political economy within the New Institutional Economics framework, it opens a path towards explaining the relative resilience of some developing autocratic regimes to social change and consolidation of impersonal markets. For this purpose, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been selected for a case study as, more clearly than others, it demonstrates the remarkable ways in which traditional social norms can be appropriated by the leadership and constrain institutional development. At the center of the historical narrative, the work puts the concept of patrimonialism as an informal system of embedded customary rules that fundamentally enhanced the chances for survival of the pre-state Arabian communities. In order to assess the extent to which it shaped the subsequent evolution of institutional matrix and its particular societal incentives until the most recent form, the author traces its institutional, organizational, and economic manifestations over a century of state building process from its tribal origins. Based on the analysis of historical sources it firstly argues that the centralized hierarchic distribution has characterized the social organization long before the discovery of oil, though it heavily depended on secondary elites due to the material shortage at that time. While the oil-related fiscal surpluses enabled expansion of the allocation state and diminished the influence of elites on policymaking, the pre-state governance structures were instrumentalized for personal interests of the autocratic ruler and gradually emerged as the cornerstone of modern institutional environment. This allowed for neopatrimonial strategies of co-option and domination that helped to enlarge the social hierarchy during the fiscal surplus and sustain it over crises. Accordingly, the following process tracing analysis demonstrates this correlation by analyzing the significant legislative decisions and personnel shifts of the Council of Ministers between 1953-2018, and compares them to the macroeconomic developments. Although there are occasional disruptions caused by exceptional external or internal events on one side and, increasingly, authoritarian learning on the other, an apparent pro-cyclical pattern stands out throughout the study, in which the weakness of distributional networks leads to greater institutional and organizational concessions that in turn facilitate decentralization and socio-economic development. Thereby, the author urges for an alternative approach to economic reforms in the Gulf, pointing out the significance of institutional reform for an actual change towards an effective, market-based and sustainable development, and warning from socio-economic impacts of further centralization.Show less
This thesis titled studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971.The thesis titled “Maoism in Turkey” studies the localization...Show moreThis thesis titled studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971.The thesis titled “Maoism in Turkey” studies the localization of Maoism as a global ideology among the milieu of Turkish leftists in the years 1969–1971. In doing so, it analyzes the debates on and about Maoism within the intellectual field around the journal Proleter Devrimci Aydnlk (Proletarian Revolutionary Enlightenment, PDA). This thesis divided into three parts, The first part assesses how Maoism sprawled from China and reached the rest of the world, included Turkey. The second part assesses why Turkish leftist group adopt Maoism and the establishment of the Maoist Journal of Proleter Devrimci Aydınlık. The third part, “Debating Maoism in PDA Journal”, will deal with how Maoism was interpreted by Turkish leftists from 1969 to 1971, through an analysis of the Proleter Devrimci Aydınlık journal and other related leftist journals.Show less
After five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan...Show moreAfter five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan and Central Asia. Research has shown that scholars either look at internal or external factors for the radicalization of Uzbek nationals. This study aims to explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh and if we can speak of a myth or a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Building on existing work on radicalization in Central Asia and Uzbekistan, this research both analyzes the internal and external factors. These internal and external factors have been applied on case studies of three Uzbek individuals committing the international attacks. The analysis was based on a literature research on the history of the region, the Uzbekistan state since 1991 onwards and migration from Central Asia towards Russia, and a textual analysis of (1) videos, messages, and websites, and (2) interviews of journalists with friends, neighbors and family members of the Uzbek individuals in the case study. In addition, the social movement theory and social psychology theory were applied accordingly. The results indicate that we should not speak of a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Besides, the case study shows that external factors particularly explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh. Nevertheless, internal factors could indeed explain other radicalization processes, such as why Uzbek nationals decided to join the Hizb ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.Show less
This thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal...Show moreThis thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of biopower – the power over life - that presents drones and drone operators as life-preserving. Lethal drone strikes are rationalised as necessary acts of pre-emptive killing in order to save valuable life (killing to make life live). However, I also found that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of necropower – the power over death – that deems acceptable the putting to death of entire populations living under drones. Hence, this thesis demonstrates that drone warfare reflects both a biopolitical and a necropolitical rationality.Show less
The works of Gisèle Halimi, and Brigitte Smadja each challenge the implied historical rupture constructed between the colonial and the post-colonial. In their works, they use multiple characters to...Show moreThe works of Gisèle Halimi, and Brigitte Smadja each challenge the implied historical rupture constructed between the colonial and the post-colonial. In their works, they use multiple characters to subvert the accepted singular narrative of colonialism and its impacts, thereby highlighting the multiple and intersecting identities of all participants in the colonial discourse. This thesis aims to review the works constructed by these authors, placing great consideration on each of the authors’ own “intrasubjective complexity”, the way that their intersecting identities interact to formulate identity, and the impact that this has on their portrayal of characters.Show less
In the international system, ISIS and Hezbollah are non-state actors involved in the power struggle characterizing the Middle East, and they found themselves opposed in the Syrian Civil War since...Show moreIn the international system, ISIS and Hezbollah are non-state actors involved in the power struggle characterizing the Middle East, and they found themselves opposed in the Syrian Civil War since 2011. Although they are different by virtue of their confessional identity, they share multiple similarities. Both are the product of the international intervention in Iraq/Syria and Lebanon; both share, until recently, a powerful military apparatus as well as a functional organizational system; both are recognised as terrorist or criminal organization by part of the international community. They share another characteristic too: the pursuit of the Islamic State, a utopia rooted in the teachings of the Qu’ran and Mohammad that calls for the demise of the Western-type of state in the Middle East. Nevertheless, their ideals of Islamic State are essentially different, and different are their historical and political contexts as well as their ideological motivations. One group has declared the Islamic State whereas the other has not. This work aims to unravel under what conditions non-state armed groups claim territorial sovereignty. Consequently, ISIS and Hezbollah are two cases subjected to deep analysis. Building on the concept of rebel governance, I argue that rebel’s strategies are affected respectively by the place and time-frame but mostly by the group’s relationship with the population, other armed groups, and the international community. Notwithstanding, ideology is still the building block of the rebel’s approach. I sustain that historical and political developments have structured the actors’ ideologies which in turn have affected their approaches and consequently the self-determination claim. The difference in the outputs then lies in the ideological and socio-political divide between ISIS and Hezbollah. The contrasting developments of these groups, which replied differently to national and international menaces, and their different regional priorities, as well as their distant ideas of Islamic State, allow us to understand what led to the creation of the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” and the “Party of God”. Inter alia, how the refusal of any compromise and the creation of a new Sunni identity rejecting the nation-state favoured the self-determination, whereas the entry into politics to gain resilience from a plethora of confessional realities has suggested the suspension of the Islamic State.Show less
In September 1975, large civil unrest in Lebanon broke out for the third time in little more than a hundred years. Just like the previous two times in 1860 and 1958, the Maronite community were...Show moreIn September 1975, large civil unrest in Lebanon broke out for the third time in little more than a hundred years. Just like the previous two times in 1860 and 1958, the Maronite community were involved in the fighting. In a country where confessional identity or sect plays a decisive role, a coalition between Maronite warlords called the Lebanese Front was formed in 1976. Together these patriarchs of influential clans could join forces and defend the status quo cemented in the 1943 National Pact that laid the foundation of a multiconfessional and independent Lebanese Republic. In the agreement, that divided political power according to the 1932 census, the Maronites essentially dominated the government apparatus. However, relations between participating parties in the LF turned sour within just a few years. Instead of facing the common enemy, Bashir Gemayel turned against his Maronite allies.Show less
The enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of...Show moreThe enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of the revolutionary nature and ideology of the opposition movements became an issue when the anti-government demonstrations began in Syria and the organization suddenly contradicted its previous posture by backing the regime.The Janus-faced behavior of the organization had an immediate negative impact on the image that Hezbollah had been building through a pragmatic and selective legitimation process. In this scenario, how does Hezbollah react to the challenges to the legitimacy of its organization?. In light of the aforementioned, this thesis will aim to analyze and identify the way in which Hezbollah justify the intervention in Syria to their support groups at the local, national and international level. This research focuses on Hezbollah’s creation of 4 meaning in the ideological discourse in order to justify their actions and preserve their legitimacy at three different levels of target audiences (communal, national, international) by developing diverse context models (van Dijk, 2006, 21) according to each audience’s particular interests.Show less
An analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for...Show moreAn analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for this emotive portrayal in academic studies.Show less
This study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's...Show moreThis study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's changing responses to three crises, is to study the change and continuity in China's contemporary engagement in the Middle East, which could shed some new light on the international academic debates over the discrepancy in China’s evolving strategies toward the Middle East, moreover, offer a better understanding of how China perceives itself in relation to the Middle East.Show less
In dit onderzoek wordt getracht in kaart te brengen hoe de term salafisme zijn weg heeft gevonden naar het Nederlands politiek debat en hoe deze term hierbinnen wordt gebruikt. Het kwalitatief...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt getracht in kaart te brengen hoe de term salafisme zijn weg heeft gevonden naar het Nederlands politiek debat en hoe deze term hierbinnen wordt gebruikt. Het kwalitatief onderzoek schetst een beeld van de gevolgen van het gebruik van deze term voor de groep mensen die het meest hiermee wordt geassocieerd.Show less
