The present research project analyses Lebanese political cartoons taken from five different online newspapers in order to understand what kind of image is attributed to the "West" from the part of...Show moreThe present research project analyses Lebanese political cartoons taken from five different online newspapers in order to understand what kind of image is attributed to the "West" from the part of Lebanese cartoonists. Using Faucult and Said as guideline for the analysis of the political cartooons and utilising "framing" theories taken from media and communication studies as method of analysis, aim of the research is not only to understand what image of the "West"is being produced by the Lebanese media, but also what historical, social and cultural factors have played a role in formulating that image.Show less
In this study the research question: ‘What kind of implications has the new political openness in Oman towards the individual freedom of its citizens with regard to the choice of a marriage partner...Show moreIn this study the research question: ‘What kind of implications has the new political openness in Oman towards the individual freedom of its citizens with regard to the choice of a marriage partner? Are answers through interviews with Omani citizens and a literary study? The effect of tribal structures and the idea of a ‘good tribe’ and a ‘good tribe’s name’ in Oman with regard to the choice of a marriage partner is the topic of this endeavor. This research focuses is the ‘modern, free’ marriage choice and what that means for young urban Omani. Especially the impact of thoughts about the tribal structure in Oman regarding the choice of a marriage partner leads the argument of this research. Semi-structured field interviews in Oman were conducted in order to provide insights into the minds of young, urban, educated and (mostly) economically well off individuals and couples. In Oman the choice of getting married is manifested by law. In theory, young couples can get married to whomever they want. However, in reality the marriage market is still divided in parts of society and people from different tribes don’t mix easily, due to the wishes to get married or to get their children married to someone that is part of a ‘good’ tribe. During the semi-structured field interviews the researcher got a glimpse of what people think about marriage in contemporary Oman. The results of the literary study and the fieldwork show how individuals and couples say on the one hand that everything has changed and on the other hand how important a good tribal name is. The results of the semi-structured field interviews show that the interviewees are clearly influenced by their families in their marriage choice, but some would exchange the good name for good fortune and choose someone who is affluent, instead of good tribe’s name. The ambivalence of modernity was noticeable during the interviews. On the one hand the interviewees indicated that they have the desire to marry whomever they want and on the other hand these interviewees indicated that they notice that the strong social matrix of tribal structures, which commend ‘a good tribal name’ exists and can be a leading force in marriage choice. The most important finding of this research is the awareness among Omanis that the free choice is present ‘on paper’ and people know, they could marry freely, but the reality is different and the idea of a tribe and the belonging to one, is more important in an era of social transition than the researcher anticipated beforehand. The citizens try to be ‘good Omanis’ in a modern nation with a strong cultural heritage, which they cherish. The social order is something that is reflected in the interviews. The answers of the interviewees clearly show the social and cultural hierarchy in Omani society, when they talk about future in-laws or relatives. It can be concluded that more research is needed about the impact of modern tribal structures and the thought of a ‘good name’ within these structures. Furthermore, the impact of the tribal culture on young couples who like to get married exogamic or even without the consent of their parents or other elderly advisers should be investigated. Also, further research could explore the concept op ‘romantic love in times of social media’, a topic that has emerged out of the conversations with the interviewees, that often took place after the recording of the actual interview stopped. Further quantitative and qualitative research is recommended to look into the ways a society is changing rapidly and with this, the thoughts about marriage and identity.Show less
This thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on...Show moreThis thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on the topic of the nature of the state. Whilst originally rejecting liberal democratic values and a secular state altogether, the Brothers have since the 1980’s gradually adopted those values within their Islamist framework, and started participating in Egyptian politics. However, this approach led to significant ideological ambiguities on a number of central issues, such as the source of political authority (people or God?) and the role of shari’a (Islamic law) in society. By thorough analysis of the Brotherhood’s post-Mubarak political discourse on these issues, as well as taking into account government-Brotherhood relations, the Brotherhood’s internal dealings, and nationwide events, the writer contends that the Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities remained firmly in place into the post-Mubarak era, hampering its ability to be a successful political actor in a post-Mubarak Egypt.Show less
The pursuit to acquire women’s rights in Morocco has been a decades long quest. Activists and advocates for broader civil rights have been very visible in the news, in different movements and wide...Show moreThe pursuit to acquire women’s rights in Morocco has been a decades long quest. Activists and advocates for broader civil rights have been very visible in the news, in different movements and wide spread protests. These efforts have taken place long before the death of a sixteen year-old girl, Amina Filali, who committed suicide after being forced to marry her rapist in March 2012. The desire for reform happened before the change in 2004 in the moudawana, the family legal code. Additional pressures for reform were exerted after this change in 2004. This activism has continued to take place between the implementation of the moudawana in 2004 and the death of Amina Filali, However, the suicide of Amina Filali was a singular and pivotal moment that brought the various activists groups together serving as an unrelenting catalyst for change. Amina Filali’s suicide united the protest voices as never before and with heightened scrutiny Article 475 of the Moroccan Penal Code was repealed. Amina Filali became the ‘poster child’ for the repeal of Article 475 after her suicide. It was circulated that Amina consumed rat poison in order to commit suicide. After her suicide, a narrative developed and became the widespread assumption that she had committed suicide because she had been forced to marry the man that raped her. Amina Filali was an individual with her own story, but in that moment in time her story was utilized by the coalition of women’s rights advocates. The story of Amina was proclaimed at protests and visible in the news, both within Morocco and internationally. Her tragedy was used to help push the groups’ certain agenda. The agenda was to repeal Article 475. The narrative of Amina’s death was a remarkable tool in gaining attention and unity for various voices including NGOs, human rights activists and political parties. The timeline between her death and the actual repeal demonstrates that she served as the instrument of change.Show less
This thesis navigates the process of change and transformation of the relations between workers and state-power in the Islamic Republic throughout the 1980s, by analysing May Day posters and...Show moreThis thesis navigates the process of change and transformation of the relations between workers and state-power in the Islamic Republic throughout the 1980s, by analysing May Day posters and speeches related to the Labor Law. It observes ruptures and continuities through the lens of discourse and seeks to decipher how power circulated within and outside the Iranian factory, in terms of production of knowledge, meanings and signs. Power exercised by whom? This is a key question, because in post-1979 Iran there was not an all-powerful subject. Hence, this thesis explores how Khomeinists came to be accepted in the field of labor relations, beyond disciplinary measures or repression.Show less
This thesis investigates ‘pinkwashing’ – the allegation that the Israeli state and its allies portray Israeli society as homogenously tolerant towards lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer ...Show moreThis thesis investigates ‘pinkwashing’ – the allegation that the Israeli state and its allies portray Israeli society as homogenously tolerant towards lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people, and portray Palestinian society as homogenously intolerant towards LGBTQ people, in order to improve the Israeli state’s image abroad and justify its violations of Palestinian rights. Using evidence from interviews with LGBTQ Israelis and Palestinians, as well as other sources, this thesis argues that ‘pinkwashing’ is taking place, and that it harms both Israelis and Palestinians.Show less
A thesis with the goal of proving how the international arms trade has influenced the regional balance in the Gulf region, using as examples Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia and their relations from 1991
This thesis focuses on the massacre of the Jews in Granada in 1066 CE and in what way the anti-Jewish ode by Abū Isḥāq al-Ilbīrī might have been involved in the events.
This thesis sheds light on the political motivations that lay at the basis of the dogmatic condemnations of Salafi Wahhabis of demonstrations against unjust Muslim rulers as engineered by Ash'aris....Show moreThis thesis sheds light on the political motivations that lay at the basis of the dogmatic condemnations of Salafi Wahhabis of demonstrations against unjust Muslim rulers as engineered by Ash'aris. It consults an enormous number of primary sources on which the selective justification of Salafi Wahhabis base these dogmatic condemnations of their Ash'ari components. As a result, the dogmatic condemnation by Salafi Wahhabis of Ash'aris as innovators due to the latter's justification of demonstrating against the unjust ruler is put in an international political context.Show less
This investigation is the result of a resarch on Turkish and Italian archives through which an attempt is made to revive the story of the Turkish air officers training in Fascist Italy between 1930...Show moreThis investigation is the result of a resarch on Turkish and Italian archives through which an attempt is made to revive the story of the Turkish air officers training in Fascist Italy between 1930 and 1932.Show less
This thesis reveals the networks of Édouard Herriot, the leader of the Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party and the Mayor of Lyon, with the Young Turks and the Kemalists in the Ottoman...Show moreThis thesis reveals the networks of Édouard Herriot, the leader of the Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party and the Mayor of Lyon, with the Young Turks and the Kemalists in the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. The study displays Herriot's channels of communications and the influence of those relations starting from the 1908 Young Turk Revolution until the Atatürk's death in 1938. The thesis is divided into two parts in which it stand as before and after the Great War. In both parts, Herriot's role as an intermediary and the political go-between was contextualized. In the second part, the intellectual relations are exposed as well as his relations with the republican politicans, intellectuals, and the Kemalist elites. Therefore, the degree of influence generated from those relations are also discussed. The study is based on primary source material that were published in French, Ottoman Turkish (Turkish), and English.Show less
In this thesis, I examined forms and elements of religiosity among Iraqi Shiite Muslim men who take part in activities organised by the Alcauther Stichting based in The Hague, where I conducted a...Show moreIn this thesis, I examined forms and elements of religiosity among Iraqi Shiite Muslim men who take part in activities organised by the Alcauther Stichting based in The Hague, where I conducted a field research during one year. I attempted to provide answers to the question how the attendees of Alcauther apprehend and apply normative knowledge on Twelver Shiite Islam in their daily lives and religiosity. I found that my respondents sought practical-oriented knowledge to improve their daily religiosity within the circumstances of their daily lives. I also found that they individualise their religiosity in social settings. This individualisation takes the shape of pragmatism, as in some instances, they consciously choose to abstain from applying religious rules because they don’t “fit” into certain social situations. Pragmatism could also be noted in their performance of these rituals due to their professional obligations. Finally, I described and discussed their performance of collective rituals during the month of Muharram.Show less
Suez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez...Show moreSuez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez was genuinely the center of the unprecendented uprising, as it was the first city to rise up against Hosni Mubarak. Likewise, Suez was also sadly known for being the city where the first protester was killed in Egypt during the January 2011 uprisings. Therein, Suez was renowned across Egypt for carrying ‘The Flame of Revolution‘. As such, some activists referred to Suez as the ‘Egyptian Sidi Bouzid’.Show less
