The occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead...Show moreThe occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead discussed in the dualist framework of nature versus society, in which human civilization is separated from the environment. Consequently, the environmental landscape is frequently perceived as ‘natural,’ and therefore: apolitical. In addition, the blame for the effects of climate problems in ex-colonies in the MENA is often put on the mismanagement of local people. In this way, the wider socio-political, cultural, and economic structures embedded in the environment, are overlooked. This thesis argues that in the last decennia art projects in Palestine highlight these often-ignored connections. They counter Israeli environmental colonialism in the West Bank, and show that the deterioration of the Palestinian environment is not an unfortunate byproduct of settler colonialism, but a factor that influences the entire ecology and various aspects of Palestinian life. Through the revival of ecology, (agri)cultural traditions, and communities, the art projects expose Israeli colonial practices that destruct Palestinian ecology. Within a human and ‘more-than-human’ ecology, they revive cultural and communal ties that are constantly threatened by settler colonial erasure. The artists resist these Israeli environmental colonial practices through sumud (‘steadfastness’), shifting away from the earlier symbolic display of landscape in Palestine, toward artistic interventions in the local ecology.Show less
Offensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed....Show moreOffensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed. However, the academic literature on the local dynamics of such policy in a post-colonial perspective is underdeveloped. Especially when we attempt to identify the sectarian consequences of the Iranian economic policies in Syria and the ramifications of settling and naturalizing increasing numbers of Shiites in Damascus, Homs, and the Lebanese borderline with Syria – ‘Useful Syria’ as defined by President Assad. These areas have suffered a drastic forced displacement of the original Sunni locals, only to be substituted with loyal new citizens of a Shiite background. This thesis discusses this topic, providing also an overview of the Iranian economic interventionism in Syria since 1979.Show less
In the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political...Show moreIn the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political realities. This deterministic way of interpreting the relationship between the Middle Eastern environment and its inhabitants has been subject to critique from a growing body of literature on political ecology. Although some political ecology research has challenged environmental deterministic assumptions by exploring the role of natural resources in environmental challenges in the Gulf, previous works have not yet provided a comprehensive analysis of various environmental dimensions in a single case study context. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by asking: What is the role of natural resources in engaging with environmental challenges in relation to water, food, and energy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This thesis examines the political-ecological metabolisms of three strategies employed to address environmental challenges in relation to water, energy, and food in the UAE: desalination, solar energy, and land grabs. With an explicit focus on power, this study reveals that humans and nature are intertwined, challenging the conventional academic wisdom.Show less
This master’s thesis investigates whether anti-Islam neo-Orientalist populist political discourse in the context of the 2015 migration crisis deepened Islamophobia in French and Hungarian society,...Show moreThis master’s thesis investigates whether anti-Islam neo-Orientalist populist political discourse in the context of the 2015 migration crisis deepened Islamophobia in French and Hungarian society, causing lasting damage to the perception of Middle Eastern and North African immigrants and refugees, taking into consideration whether the respective country’s citizens had already been exposed to a considerable population of immigrant background before the crisis. The research delves into how the political discourse of the largest and most influential right-wing to far-right political parties in France and Hungary affected and shaped public opinion, social hostility, and Islamophobia between the first considerable influx of immigrants in 2015 and the first nationwide elections held after the crisis, in 2017 in France and 2018 in Hungary. By comparing similar social and political phenomena in the two countries, the current thesis also scrutinizes crucial differences between France and Hungary’s respective historical, political, social, and demographic contexts to reveal why certain political and rhetorical strategies proved successful in one country and not in the other.Show less
The growing dominance of the West and the decline of the Ottoman Empire triggered a new way of thinking that tried to reconcile Islam and modernity. The main goal of this research was to give voice...Show moreThe growing dominance of the West and the decline of the Ottoman Empire triggered a new way of thinking that tried to reconcile Islam and modernity. The main goal of this research was to give voice to the marginalized traditionalists through the figure of Muhammad Zahid al-Kawtharī in response to the growing influence of this Islamic reformist thinking. This was done through a discourse analysis of al-Kawtharī's article, titled "Al-la-madhhabiyya qanṭarat al-lā-dīniyya (Anti-Madhhabism is a steppingstone to irreligion)". Additionally, the strategies of "reading against the grain" and "reading with the grain" are carried out to highlight the interplay between dominant and alternative discourses. This provides a deeper understanding of the conflicting meanings, ideas, and arguments between Islamic modernists and traditionalists. Despite being excluded from the academic field, this research showed that al-Kawtharī was a very prolific scholar who played a significant role in shaping Islamic thought in Egypt. Furthermore, this research showed that Muslim scholars agreed and disagreed on certain issues despite endorsing different discourses, which underlines the importance of avoiding labels. Lastly, this research is an academic invitation to delve into the voices of other Muslim scholars who have been silenced under the growing influence of Islamic reformist discourse.Show less
Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and...Show moreMustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and understanding how it is constructed and portrayed in media is crucial for comprehending the evolution of Turkish national identity. This thesis explores the portrayal of Atatürk's image in cultural products, specifically through TV series, and how this portrayal has evolved over time, with a focus on the comparison between the TV series Liberation (1994) and Crossroad (2012). Using the research methodology of film analysis, this paper conducts a comparative study of two television series from content and context perspectives. It argues that while both television series emphasize Atatürk’s role as a Turkish nationalist, dedicated to modernization and democratic reforms, Liberation attempts to depict him as an almost unopposed omnipotent leader and retells the official history. In contrast, Crossroad highlights the significant disagreements between the Republican People's Party officials and Atatürk, as well as societal opposition to the party’s rule in the context of the establishment of a loyal opposition party, Liberal Republican Party. These differences are closely related to the changes in Atatürk veneration and the secular institutions’ status from the 1990s to the 2010s, shifts in the government's promotion of national identity, and the policies of the Justice and Development Party government in the 2010s. In summary, this thesis addresses the previous research gap regarding the portrayal of Atatürk in television series and links the trajectory of Atatürk's image transformation to the social and political changes in Turkey.Show less
The question of the Palestinian and Israeli conflict and the political situation at hand strongly indicates that the existing popular culture is influenced by power and politics. Film as a form of...Show moreThe question of the Palestinian and Israeli conflict and the political situation at hand strongly indicates that the existing popular culture is influenced by power and politics. Film as a form of popular culture is also influenced by the wider discourse of world politics and beholds the features of broadcasting certain messages to the audience. Therefore, film is worth studying as a potential medium to convey the struggle of the Palestinian people. This research provides a better understanding of the importance of culture as a political medium in the Palestinian struggle, especially in the global context, given regard to the correlation between politics and culture. More specifically, the research aimed to analyze how contemporary art house films about the Palestinian struggle relate to the new form of the intifada also referred to as the global intifada. The research focused on three art house films from 2013 onwards: Mars At Sunrise, Condom Lead and In Vitro. The analysis was based on how these films relate to the characteristics of the global intifada, such as the cultural, intersectional, decolonial-global and inter/national features through interconnected-joint initiatives. To gain a better understanding of the social relationship between these film productions and the global intifada, the theory of Pierre Bourdieu of the cultural field was applied. The findings suggest that these films, as a cultural medium, visualize the global intifada mainly through cultural practice. Non-traditional film techniques and genres, such as visual effects and fantasy/science fiction, are hereby key factors. Moreover, the statements of the film producers indicate an inter/national, and most importantly global, approach to highlighting the Palestinian struggle in their artworks. Finally, the works relate to the transformational and decolonial character of this intifada, as they challenge the wider public to change their narrative of the Palestinian individual and the Palestinian struggle.Show less
In recent years, several Israeli newspapers reported changes in the state’s filmmaking industry. Governmental intervention in the domestic film industry is a common phenomenon. However, the current...Show moreIn recent years, several Israeli newspapers reported changes in the state’s filmmaking industry. Governmental intervention in the domestic film industry is a common phenomenon. However, the current situation in Israel suggests a high level of political interference with the state’s filmmaking industry that problematizes the work of Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian filmmakers. This thesis seeks to explore this phenomenon by asking the following umbrella question: how does the Israeli political climate influence the filmmaking industry? Through a multidisciplinary approach, this research first demonstrates that the struggles of Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian filmmakers stem from the far-right conceptualization of “state loyalty”, equated with the ability of filmmakers to adhere to the state’s narrative. In Israel “state loyalty” is not just an abstract notion. On the contrary, by zooming in on the political conditions and legal actions of the last decade, this thesis shows that the government enacted specific legislations to reinforce the narrative that Israel is a Jewish and democratic state. In doing so, filmmakers’ criticism of and/or opposition to the state narrative is cast as “state disloyalty”. Using four documentaries as a case study contributes to better elucidating the situation. Indeed, the juxtaposition of Folman’s Waltz with Bashir and Bakri’s Jenin Jenin as well as the analysis of Two Kids a Day and H2: The Occupation Lab, show that Israel’s political and legislative superstructures are actively repressing artistic expression of dissenting narratives. Furthermore, the case study demonstrates that political and legal consequences particularly arise when filmmakers bring attention to the Palestinian narrative.Show less
