The present thesis aims at a better understanding of Islamophobia in Western Europe. For this purpose, it investigates how the issue is perceived from the Arabic and from the Western European...Show moreThe present thesis aims at a better understanding of Islamophobia in Western Europe. For this purpose, it investigates how the issue is perceived from the Arabic and from the Western European perspective, what both of these views have in common and where the differences between them. In the opening section, the results of a literature research are presented, which focuses on academic Arabic sources, articles on the Aljazeera website, and academic publications by West European authors. In this context, various aspects of the phenomenon such as the definition of the term, roots and causes, the role of media and of the political right, and its relation to the anti-Semitism are considered. As example of manifestation of Islamophobia the French head scarf ban is discussed. Comparing the Arabic and the Western European view on Islamophobia, one cannot detect specific differences concerning the definition of the term, albeit the latter appears contested and vague. In contrast, the identified reasons for Islamophobia and the role attributed to media and the political right are controversial and depend very much on the particular perspective involved. While the majority of the Western sources identifies the reason of Islamophobia as the perceived incompatibility of Islam with Western and European values, Arab authors mostly hold Western misunderstanding and lack of knowledge responsible for the phenomenon. They also attribute an essential role to media and the political right in its dissemination. While at least the majority of the Arab sources attribute a positive character to the headscarf, in Western Europe it is frequently understood as symbol of a radical Islam and gender discrimination, therefore justifying its ban. The comparison with anti-Semitism appears to be restricted to the Western European perspective, which is possibly due to the role this phenomenon has played in Europe's history.Show less
In the context of the current 2011 uprising across the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region, the Syrian conflict is the only one that has been described by different media, academic analysts and...Show moreIn the context of the current 2011 uprising across the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region, the Syrian conflict is the only one that has been described by different media, academic analysts and even some politicians as a sectarian struggle. This paper questions the accuracy of this assumption by raising doubts regarding the fair distribution of power and resources within Syria during the period of Bashar Al-assad’s rule, and suggesting that this may be the main reason behind the 2011 uprising. I study the reforms introduced in the year 2000 and later by Bashar Al-assad and argue that the 2011 struggle over power in Syria results not from sectarianism, but from different economic and political variables. The situation exploded in March 2011 in reaction to the limitations and restrictions on the economic and constitutional reforms instituted during the time of Bashar’s rule from late 2000 up to 2012.Show less
Studies have shown that many people tend to rely on linguistic structures in their mother tongue to produce responses when writing or speaking in a target language. This study attempts to detect...Show moreStudies have shown that many people tend to rely on linguistic structures in their mother tongue to produce responses when writing or speaking in a target language. This study attempts to detect interlingual errors —that is, the errors which are caused by mother tongue interference. Moreover, in this research an inventory was made after investigating the difficulties encountered by native speakers of Greek learning Turkish in the Department of Turkish and Modern Asian Studies at the University of Athens. Special attention is also given to studying the relation of these errors and difficulties given the fact that Greek and Turkish are structurally and typologically so different. These findings provide enough clues to conclude that the interference of the mother tongue is the major cause of errors at the early stages of language learning with only a few cases based on intralingual errors. Some recommendations have been made in the treatment of errors.Show less
Within his account of the Islamic Revolution, The Priest and the King, Desmond Harney, a former British diplomat in Teheran, made reference to the “old Iranian conviction of ‘the hand of the...Show moreWithin his account of the Islamic Revolution, The Priest and the King, Desmond Harney, a former British diplomat in Teheran, made reference to the “old Iranian conviction of ‘the hand of the English’ (dast-e Englis-ha).” The most obvious manifestations of the British presence in Iran during the 1970s were the British Foreign Office (FCO) and the BBC Persian Service (BBCPS). The BBCPS was significant as a media enterprise, in relation to the heavily censored domestic Iranian media, but also due to the part it played in the triangle which existed between the BBCPS, the British FCO and the Shah. The Shah believed that it was, in part, the BBC that had instigated, or at least promoted, the unrest which resulted in the 1979 revolution. Was this paranoia on the part of the Shah, or was it justified? A consideration of archival sources in the BBC written archives and the FCO archives during the decade preceding the Iranian Revolution helps to elucidate the complex relationship which existed between the BBCPS and the British FCO, while also providing some sort of answers as to why the Shah felt so threatened by the activities of a foreign media institution.Show less
This thesis focuses on the Ottoman-Russian diplomatic encounters which took place in Livadia, Crimea in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The welcoming delegations constituted an imperial...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the Ottoman-Russian diplomatic encounters which took place in Livadia, Crimea in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The welcoming delegations constituted an imperial tradition and these diplomatic encounters not only attest the dynastic rivalry of dominance over Black Sea region but also refer to the interactions between the two empires. By revealing the ways in which the bureaucratic encounters reflected the Ottoman-Russian political rivalry, this thesis contributes to the discussion on how the Ottoman Empire’s bureaucratic cadre perceived the Russian Empire and the diplomatic encounters. This research analyzes the implications of the Livadia reports as expressions of foreign relations and their value with respect to the transforming bureaucratic system in the late Ottoman Empire. The thesis also examines the imperial rivalry and symbolism which arises from the Livadia reports in relation to political issues at stake between the two empires. In addition, this thesis identifies two bilateral concerns underlying the imperial rivalry and symbolism; naval concerns and concerns over minorities.Show less
