In this thesis research has been conducted regarding the following question: is it possible to translate the long Qur’anic surah sūrat al-Raḥmān into Dutch, whereby the following three criteria are...Show moreIn this thesis research has been conducted regarding the following question: is it possible to translate the long Qur’anic surah sūrat al-Raḥmān into Dutch, whereby the following three criteria are met: 1. the meaning is preserved 2. the oral and aural aspect is conveyed 3. the translation is presented in natural and accessible Dutch. To meet the criterion of aurality and orality the translation must meet the testible criteria of rhyme, metre, parallelism, lexical echoes, conciseness, the relation between the sound of words and the atmosphere of a verse or surah, and repetition, which are the most important linguistic structures underlying orality and aurality. Recognizability for Muslims is part of the criterion of meaning. A translation method according to these criteria has been used in the testcase and the translation process has been described. The above resulted in a translation that met the criteria of the research question.Show less
This thesis explores the framing of the burqa ban in the Dutch media over the past decade, focusing on the divergence between left-wing (Volkskrant) and right-wing (Telegraaf) newspapers, potential...Show moreThis thesis explores the framing of the burqa ban in the Dutch media over the past decade, focusing on the divergence between left-wing (Volkskrant) and right-wing (Telegraaf) newspapers, potential polarizing frames, and the shifts in media narratives pre and post-implementation of the ban. The analysis is guided by framing theory, which shows the dominant frames visible in the newspapers and explores the dynamic interplay between media, public opinion, and politics. A framework of five frames, guided by Semetko and Valkenburg’s frames, has been constructed for this research. These are the Moral, Political, Societal Impact, Policy Conflict, and Security frames. The Volkskrant is characterized as progressive and socially oriented. The dominant frame between 2012 and 2022 has been the Societal Impact frame, emphasizing the ban’s consequences for society. In contrast, the Telegraaf, known for its activist and critical stance, used the Political Conflict frame the most often, focusing on discussions around implementing the ban. Contrary to expectations, the study has not identified a polarizing trend over time in the analysis. Moreover, it was concluded that the newspapers are growing convergent with their opinions concerning the burqa ban. When looking at the impact the implementation of the burqa ban has had on the dominant frames, a shift is visible post-implementation. Both newspapers have increased the use of the Societal Impact frame, increasing attention to the law’s implications. Looking forward, this thesis suggests additional research, including an exploration of the beginning of the debate in 2005, the recent victory of Wilders’ PVV, and other newspapers.Show less
This research explores the Palestinian-Israeli conflict from the perspective of Uri Davis, an anti-Zionist Palestinian Hebrew of Jewish origins. Davis is a scholar and activist who fully supports...Show moreThis research explores the Palestinian-Israeli conflict from the perspective of Uri Davis, an anti-Zionist Palestinian Hebrew of Jewish origins. Davis is a scholar and activist who fully supports the Palestinian right to self-determination, and was the first Israeli citizen to call Israel an apartheid state. This study focuses on the Israeli intra-group dynamics. The first section is a conceptual framework dedicated to explaining the origins of Zionism: the development of its cognitive repertoire, its solidification as a habitus at a societal level, and its affirmation as the hegemonic power in Israel. The section concludes with an assessment of the counter-hegemonic, anti-Zionist struggle. The following chapter illustrates the emergence of three categories of Jewish resistance to Zionism: the one of Orthodox Jews, of the Political Left, and of Intellectuals and Humanists. Finally, through Uri Davis’ autobiography and secondary literature, the final chapter analyzes language use and deconstructs ideas and events to evaluate Davis’ contribution to the anti-Zionist discourse and cause.Show less
This thesis investigates what political participation of Qatari citizens looked like during the diplomatic crisis in Qatar from 2017 until 2021. It does so by conducting a qualitative content...Show moreThis thesis investigates what political participation of Qatari citizens looked like during the diplomatic crisis in Qatar from 2017 until 2021. It does so by conducting a qualitative content analysis of articles published by BBC Monitoring throughout the period of the crisis and complements these with sources from news outlets and social media. The purpose of this work is to provide a better understanding of political participation in rentier states. This thesis concludes that four forms of unconventional political participation existed in Qatar during the diplomatic crisis, namely: digital street politics, contentious collective action, social nonmovements, and elite negotiation. These forms of participation primarily occurred on social media which is a result of the internal structure of politics in Qatar, such as the lack of available political arenas to voice opinions, and the lack of a clear political ideology with both the state and the opposition. Qatari political participation occurred largely in support of the regime because Qatari citizens felt that their national identity was threatened and because their livelihoods depend on the state. This, in combination with what other academic literature tells us, indicates that Qatari citizens have become more interested in politics. However, there are no signs that this will translate into more democratic governance.Show less
The occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead...Show moreThe occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead discussed in the dualist framework of nature versus society, in which human civilization is separated from the environment. Consequently, the environmental landscape is frequently perceived as ‘natural,’ and therefore: apolitical. In addition, the blame for the effects of climate problems in ex-colonies in the MENA is often put on the mismanagement of local people. In this way, the wider socio-political, cultural, and economic structures embedded in the environment, are overlooked. This thesis argues that in the last decennia art projects in Palestine highlight these often-ignored connections. They counter Israeli environmental colonialism in the West Bank, and show that the deterioration of the Palestinian environment is not an unfortunate byproduct of settler colonialism, but a factor that influences the entire ecology and various aspects of Palestinian life. Through the revival of ecology, (agri)cultural traditions, and communities, the art projects expose Israeli colonial practices that destruct Palestinian ecology. Within a human and ‘more-than-human’ ecology, they revive cultural and communal ties that are constantly threatened by settler colonial erasure. The artists resist these Israeli environmental colonial practices through sumud (‘steadfastness’), shifting away from the earlier symbolic display of landscape in Palestine, toward artistic interventions in the local ecology.Show less
Offensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed....Show moreOffensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed. However, the academic literature on the local dynamics of such policy in a post-colonial perspective is underdeveloped. Especially when we attempt to identify the sectarian consequences of the Iranian economic policies in Syria and the ramifications of settling and naturalizing increasing numbers of Shiites in Damascus, Homs, and the Lebanese borderline with Syria – ‘Useful Syria’ as defined by President Assad. These areas have suffered a drastic forced displacement of the original Sunni locals, only to be substituted with loyal new citizens of a Shiite background. This thesis discusses this topic, providing also an overview of the Iranian economic interventionism in Syria since 1979.Show less
In the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political...Show moreIn the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political realities. This deterministic way of interpreting the relationship between the Middle Eastern environment and its inhabitants has been subject to critique from a growing body of literature on political ecology. Although some political ecology research has challenged environmental deterministic assumptions by exploring the role of natural resources in environmental challenges in the Gulf, previous works have not yet provided a comprehensive analysis of various environmental dimensions in a single case study context. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by asking: What is the role of natural resources in engaging with environmental challenges in relation to water, food, and energy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This thesis examines the political-ecological metabolisms of three strategies employed to address environmental challenges in relation to water, energy, and food in the UAE: desalination, solar energy, and land grabs. With an explicit focus on power, this study reveals that humans and nature are intertwined, challenging the conventional academic wisdom.Show less
This master’s thesis investigates whether anti-Islam neo-Orientalist populist political discourse in the context of the 2015 migration crisis deepened Islamophobia in French and Hungarian society,...Show moreThis master’s thesis investigates whether anti-Islam neo-Orientalist populist political discourse in the context of the 2015 migration crisis deepened Islamophobia in French and Hungarian society, causing lasting damage to the perception of Middle Eastern and North African immigrants and refugees, taking into consideration whether the respective country’s citizens had already been exposed to a considerable population of immigrant background before the crisis. The research delves into how the political discourse of the largest and most influential right-wing to far-right political parties in France and Hungary affected and shaped public opinion, social hostility, and Islamophobia between the first considerable influx of immigrants in 2015 and the first nationwide elections held after the crisis, in 2017 in France and 2018 in Hungary. By comparing similar social and political phenomena in the two countries, the current thesis also scrutinizes crucial differences between France and Hungary’s respective historical, political, social, and demographic contexts to reveal why certain political and rhetorical strategies proved successful in one country and not in the other.Show less
The growing dominance of the West and the decline of the Ottoman Empire triggered a new way of thinking that tried to reconcile Islam and modernity. The main goal of this research was to give voice...Show moreThe growing dominance of the West and the decline of the Ottoman Empire triggered a new way of thinking that tried to reconcile Islam and modernity. The main goal of this research was to give voice to the marginalized traditionalists through the figure of Muhammad Zahid al-Kawtharī in response to the growing influence of this Islamic reformist thinking. This was done through a discourse analysis of al-Kawtharī's article, titled "Al-la-madhhabiyya qanṭarat al-lā-dīniyya (Anti-Madhhabism is a steppingstone to irreligion)". Additionally, the strategies of "reading against the grain" and "reading with the grain" are carried out to highlight the interplay between dominant and alternative discourses. This provides a deeper understanding of the conflicting meanings, ideas, and arguments between Islamic modernists and traditionalists. Despite being excluded from the academic field, this research showed that al-Kawtharī was a very prolific scholar who played a significant role in shaping Islamic thought in Egypt. Furthermore, this research showed that Muslim scholars agreed and disagreed on certain issues despite endorsing different discourses, which underlines the importance of avoiding labels. Lastly, this research is an academic invitation to delve into the voices of other Muslim scholars who have been silenced under the growing influence of Islamic reformist discourse.Show less
Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less