The goal of this thesis is to focus on the Greek women of Istanbul and how all these political events influenced their lives, while also providing an analysis of their language choices and their...Show moreThe goal of this thesis is to focus on the Greek women of Istanbul and how all these political events influenced their lives, while also providing an analysis of their language choices and their status in the society of Istanbul. The analyses will be based on a set of letters of written by Sophia to her daughter Elpida who moved from Istanbul to Netherlands in 1954. In addition to these letters, other sources of data include interviews of five Istanbul Greek women, information from the Society of Greeks of Istanbul and books that have collected testimonies, newspaper articles and report of the Greek consul and speeches of Turkish officials. It can be concluded from all these source materials that the Greek women of Istanbul were unequivocally influenced by the political events of 1940’s, 1950’s and 1960’s in distinctive ways.Show less
This thesis explores from a theoretical border studies perspective the political dynamics of the construction of a fence along the Omani Yemeni border initiated in 2013. Drawing on the concept of...Show moreThis thesis explores from a theoretical border studies perspective the political dynamics of the construction of a fence along the Omani Yemeni border initiated in 2013. Drawing on the concept of the nation as an imagined community, I argue that the construction of a border fence reveals the increased identity politics the Omani state, embodied by Sultan Qabus, engages in since the uprisings in 2011-2012 that marked a shift in Omani state-society relations. These relations are unpacked through exploring Qabus’ pre-2011 state- and nationbuilding efforts and two Omanization channels characterizing the post-2011 period. Through reinforcing the symbolic and physical boundaries of the nation and the territory it is associated with, Qabus enforces a fixed set of characteristics on his subjects, promoted in a national identity narrative, in order to instill loyalty to his authority. This thesis thus sheds light on the issue of increased oppression within the Sultanate, which has gone largely unnoticed among academics and the international community due to the strongly promoted Omani reputation of a stable beacon within a volatile region. This research is conducted from a political-anthropological angle, exploring the political dynamics embedded in the sociocultural context of Oman. It draws on existing literature from political science, history and the anthropological discipline, popular media reports and official government websites, documents and NGO reports.Show less
This thesis will bring to light the Maronite Christian argument that, in its waning days, the Ottoman Empire conducted a well-planned genocidal policy vis-à-vis the Christian subjects of its...Show moreThis thesis will bring to light the Maronite Christian argument that, in its waning days, the Ottoman Empire conducted a well-planned genocidal policy vis-à-vis the Christian subjects of its Eastern Mediterranean provinces, and expressly suppressed or silenced the history of this policy. In particular, this thesis will focus on the Maronite Christians of the Ottoman Province (Sanjak) of Mount-Lebanon, and the crimes perpetrated against them, as part and parcel of the better known Ottoman policies against the Armenians, the Assyrians, and the Pontus Greeks during the Great War period. This thesis will stress the importance of studying and remembering history, including the minorities’ perspective and experience of it, admitting it into “official” histories, and explaining how official histories may have consequences in unresolved and recurring issues of memory and identity in modern Lebanon. This thesis will bring to bear recent scholarship and recently released archival sources relative to Ottoman Lebanon, in order to help illuminate a time period that is still shrouded in obscurity. I rely on numerous primary and secondary sources such as memoirs, biographies, histories, historiographies, and lyrical accounts. These sources are varied in perspective as some are written by Eastern Christians themselves, other Ottoman subjects, and both local and foreign bystanders privy to the events on Mount-Lebanon between 1914 and 1918. This thesis will be organized into three chapters, which will attempt to shed light on the historiographical debate, the Christian memories of the Great Famine of Mount-Lebanon, the Christian perspective of an Ottoman genocidal policy vis-à-vis Mount-Lebanon; attempt to explain the reason for the silenced history, and the consequences faced today, in a modern (Greater) Lebanon that is in many ways the outcome of the events of 1914-1918.Show less
The references about what happened after the death of Alexander in 333 B.C.E.in pre-Modern Arabic historiography are notably shorter than Alexander's himself. The information about the kingdoms of...Show moreThe references about what happened after the death of Alexander in 333 B.C.E.in pre-Modern Arabic historiography are notably shorter than Alexander's himself. The information about the kingdoms of the Successors of Alexander (“Diadochi”) are often conflicting in the Arabic pre-modern historiographical works. The question that is raised is, do Arabic historiographers consider the Ptolemaic dynasty as part of the pre-Islamic tradition of the region that their conquest to the whole Mediterranean Sea was based on? 21 And if yes, were they able to separate them from the Pharaonic past of Egypt? And last but not least, what did they want to keep in their memory-transmission works in order the future generations to know?Show less
Hamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian...Show moreHamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian politics. Hamas entered Palestinian politics in 2005 when the Palestinians conducted the first free elections for the Palestinian National Authority (PA). Few expected Hamas to win the elections and Western diplomats had assessed Hamas as a radical Islamic organisation preferring violence over political participation to pursue its goals. However, Hamas won the elections and ended Fatah’ domination of the PA. After this victory, Hamas underwent a complex process to assert authority and control over the Gaza Strip in 2007. This complex process coincided with the transformation of Hamas from a resistance movement to a political party. This thesis focusses on this transition and aims to generate a better understanding of Hamas’ performance as a political party and what has been called a ‘rebel government’. This study explores whether the movement can function as a partner in dialogue for peace talks in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. To this end, this thesis aims to answer the following research question: To what extent is it possible for Hamas to become a legitimate partner in the dialogue regarding the peace process in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict?Show less
The 1960 decade was marked in Turkey by the rise of powerful social movements that led the country to the brink of a civil war. Ultranationalist right and radical left elements were confronting...Show moreThe 1960 decade was marked in Turkey by the rise of powerful social movements that led the country to the brink of a civil war. Ultranationalist right and radical left elements were confronting each other in an increasingly violent manner, with the former determined to fight Communism by all means necessary, and the latter striving for changing Turkey through a socialist revolution and increasingly looking with a sympathetic eye towards struggles of decolonization and national liberation. It was in this milieu that the Palestinian guerrillas grew to become a part of the revolutionary dreams of Turkey’s left, which was ready to adopt Palestine and to adapt it to its domestic needs. How did the notion of Palestine become so central for the Turkish left? How was Palestine adopted in the Turkish leftist milieu? Why did the radical leftist youth decide to join the Palestinian camps, and to what consequences? This thesis tackles these questions, mapping the connection between Turkey’s leftist movements and the Palestinian liberation struggle in the 1967-1972 period and proposing a contribution to the literature on Turkey's long 1960s through a global and transnational history approach.Show less
This thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed...Show moreThis thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed public debates about veiling (1999-2006). Developments of the past fourteen years called for a comprehensive analysis of the use of frames in political debates with an updated framework to see if these developments signify new (clusters of) frames. I have defined five clusters of frames: (1) state-church frames, (2) integration frames, (3) discrimination frames, (4) gender frames, and (5) security frames. Based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates, I conclude that there have been developments in debates about veiling, which signify either new frames or new clusters of frames. Research showed that the use of security frames indeed signifies a new cluster of frames, particularly resonant in burqa debates. Another observation is that the integration, discrimination and gender frames are part of larger debates and, in contrast to the state-church and security frames, cannot be linked to particular debates or specific public realms, neither can they be organized in time. While the discrimination frames seem to be a separate cluster in relation to the integration frames, this does not mean that the integration frames have become less relevant in debates about veiling. Another outcome is that the Judeo-Christian heritage frame is incidentally used in parliamentary debates and does not represent a certain trend or development. Lastly, the state-church frames are still relevant in debates about veiling, particularly in debates about accommodation of headscarves in the police force.Show less
This thesis examines the Ibadi nahda of 1913 through an Islamic Modernist framing to show links between the Ibadi revival and a wider pan-Islamist and anti-colonial moment. The main focus are the...Show moreThis thesis examines the Ibadi nahda of 1913 through an Islamic Modernist framing to show links between the Ibadi revival and a wider pan-Islamist and anti-colonial moment. The main focus are the writings of Nur al-Din al-Salimi (d. 1914) and Abu Muslim al-Bahlani (d. 1920), two luminaries and revolutionaries of the Ibadi revival movement. An 'episodic discourse' model of ideology production is used to relate the social and material conditions of turn of the century colonial Zanzibar and Oman to modernist religious discourse.Show less
In this research, I discuss whether Islamic principles may serve as a valid alternative approach for economic development. Specifically, I test whether being an Islamic country since the Islamic...Show moreIn this research, I discuss whether Islamic principles may serve as a valid alternative approach for economic development. Specifically, I test whether being an Islamic country since the Islamic revival of the 1970s affects the country’s total factor productivity (TFP). Using statistical methods of the analysis of variance (ANOVA) and the ordinary least squares (OLS) regression on cross-country data between 1974–2017, I find that the Islamic revival of the 1970s in Muslim countries is not associated with the countries’ total factor productivity (TFP), measured as the relative value against the benchmark of the United States’ total factor productivity (TFP).Show less
The aim of this thesis is to assess the role of the European Union in transboundary water relations between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) since the Oslo II Accords, and in...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to assess the role of the European Union in transboundary water relations between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) since the Oslo II Accords, and in particular the extent to which EU policy is reinforcing Israel's position regarding the shared water resources. The research shows that EU policy contributes towards the further consolidation of Israeli control over Palestinian resources, an important aspect of the occupation which undermines the possibility of the emergence of a viable Palestinian state. The research is based on Marxist views of political economy, arguing that power relations play a determining role in the way in which transboundary water interaction takes place between Israel and the OPT. Using the framework of hydro-hegemony and Steven Lukes three dimensions of power, the analysis shows that there is a discrepancy between EU rhetoric and practice which results in the EU sustaining Israel's hydro-hegemony.Show less
This thesis investigates discursive trends on the topic of productivity and entrepreneurship in resource-rich Middle East countries (specifically Gulf Cooperation Council states). It provides both...Show moreThis thesis investigates discursive trends on the topic of productivity and entrepreneurship in resource-rich Middle East countries (specifically Gulf Cooperation Council states). It provides both qualitative and quantitative analyses of the existing literature. General findings point to the dominant role that the Rentier State Theory has had in shaping the discourse.Show less
This paper offers an analysis of the differences and commonalities between Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Gamel Abdel Nasser, a comparison sparked by the Egyptian Arab Spring. They are compared on their...Show moreThis paper offers an analysis of the differences and commonalities between Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Gamel Abdel Nasser, a comparison sparked by the Egyptian Arab Spring. They are compared on their paths to power, their politics, their visions and the place they hold within the Egyptian imagination. This paper finds that the comparison is only viable with regards to their rise to power and the public perception and propaganda related to both men, and that the reality of their governance is not comparable.Show less
Recently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally...Show moreRecently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally grounded peace and reconciliation. Despite this interest, little studies have examined if, and how, these local actors make a contribution to these goals. Such a case is Lebanon, characterized by protracted, sectarian conflict, but where a group of CSOs is active within this contentious nexus between conflict and peace. How does the work of these CSOs fit in the paradigm of reconciliation? Can they contribute to reconciliation in Lebanon? Following these questions, this research suggests that these CSOs can be understood through the framework of political reconciliation of Schaap (2005). Furthermore, they exhibit various functions to a reconciliation process: They advocate new narratives on identity, conflict and history, and the rights of victims. It arises that participatory and grassroot approaches are most conducive to successes of the CSOs. At the same time, the strategy and goals of the CSOs are negotiated by constraining factors. In what I call a ‘negotiated reconciliation process’ sectarian and corrupt structures on the one hand, and resource-based problems and international donor wishes on the other, mitigate the level of success of the CSOs.Show less
This study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected...Show moreThis study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected the bilateral relationship, particularly in the fields of democracy, human rights, development aid and economic cooperation. An analysis of policy documents and (public) statements by officials from the EU and Egypt shows how migration cooperation has made it difficult for the EU to uphold its image as a normative actor. Egypt's efforts to limit irregular migration to the EU are mainly driven by its economic dependency on the EU.Show less
Dreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes...Show moreDreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes and shifts in spatial boundaries. This study aims to uncover how these visions are manifested regionally and globally. These visions have been challenged by certain realities of infrastructure development. The angle of labour recruitment brings to light how the fantasy of enhanced employment rates and economic success has been disempowered through the exclusion of unskilled labour communities. Building on existing work on social exclusion I ask the question : How has labour recruitment within port structures impacted the developmental and geopolitical imaginations of state actors that are co-developing with the Chinese BRI? This thesis critically engages with debates surrounding labour recruitment and Foreign Direct Investment through two case studies - the UAE and Pakistan. It uses port development as a conceptual space in which these labour recruitment challenges visibly undermine national visions. The study concludes that geopolitical imaginations create ideal mirages of economic development enabling accessibility through infrastructure networks while overlooking the exclusion of unskilled minority labour communities which has the potential to threaten national security.Show less
