This research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case...Show moreThis research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case study of the Kenyan elections building on diverse data including reports and interviews, applied in the process tracing method. Building on socialization theory and norm diffusion, I hypothesize that election observation has an impact on election quality, through the diffusion of democratic values. The Kenyan legal framework meets international obligations requiring elections to be “accountable and transparent”. But the tumultuous history of election violence highlighted fundamental issues and systematic problems that must be addressed. The findings show that there is a relevant added value to the presence of EU EOM, within different phases of the election cycle. The implementation of the EU EOM recommendations plays a key role in understanding the contribution of election observation to improve election quality. EU EOMs are found to be effective in deterring fraud and corruption, as election observation contributes to pressuring government officials to respect the electoral law. In the Kenyan case, the implementation of recommendations contributed to the mitigation of election-related violence, and the promotion of the stakeholders' confidence in the electoral process.Show less
How are external factors able to cause conflict in a country? Scholars have examined the spatial component of conflict largely through the lens of conflict diffusion, where conflict spread from one...Show moreHow are external factors able to cause conflict in a country? Scholars have examined the spatial component of conflict largely through the lens of conflict diffusion, where conflict spread from one country to another. They have failed however, to examine the influence of one-sided violence on conflict in other countries. This is a major gap as one-sided violence does not necessarily mean conflict is occurring, meaning studies on the direct spread of conflict between countries fail to cover these cases. I fill this gap by asking: does the use of one-sided violence raise the likelihood of conflict onset in neighbouring countries? I argue that one-sided violence influences conflict onset in three ways, each via incoming refugee flows. First, refugees might have grievances that they are unable to express via traditional ways, increasing the likelihood that they may turn to violence. Second, refugees may change the ethnic composition of the host country, with the new ethnic balance causing or worsening ethnic tensions. Third, refugees may worsen the economic situation in the host country by competing with the local population, increasing local political tensions. I will study this by analyzing UCDP data on armed conflict and one-sided violence in neighboring countries. The results show that one-sided violence in neighbouring countries has a positive, significant effect on conflict onset. Countries that border countries experiencing one-sided violence have a higher likelihood of conflict occurring. The effect of refugees on conflict onset is shown to be positive and significant as well.Show less
This thesis aims to contribute to understanding how a competitive authoritarian leader manages to increase popular support in a situation where an electoral democracy experiences democratic...Show moreThis thesis aims to contribute to understanding how a competitive authoritarian leader manages to increase popular support in a situation where an electoral democracy experiences democratic backsliding. After the failed coup attempt on 15 July 2016 in Turkey, Erdogan put the constitution aside and launched a new model for governing the state with decree laws under the state of emergency. However, Erdogan won the elections held in the following years by increasing his vote share, although he had explicitly turned into a repressive, authoritarian leader. In this study, I investigated how Erdogan strengthened his popular support in the elections held after 2016, despite his authoritarian turn and the deterioration of the socio-economic structure of the state. I focused on the manipulations carried out by the incumbents in the elections held after 2016 and tested whether these manipulations affected the election results in favour of Erdogan. I conducted a content analysis using the qualitative research method to explore this. Ultimately, I argue that the analysis of the data collected for this study provides strong evidence that election manipulations may have significant effects on the election results in favour of Erdogan.Show less
This thesis uses a single case study on the Lumpa Church, a movement whose growth and practices wreaked havoc during the late colonial period in Zambia. The conflict between the sect and the state...Show moreThis thesis uses a single case study on the Lumpa Church, a movement whose growth and practices wreaked havoc during the late colonial period in Zambia. The conflict between the sect and the state represented a period of violence and devastation in a country reputed for its unity in diversity and peace, therefore there exists a fundamental need to provide a comprehensive account of how the state was able to overcome such bloodshed. This thesis explores the historic anomalies and conscious policy that united the Zambian state in order to challenge ahistorical and essentialised readings of identarian conflict and Sub-Saharan Africa as a region.Show less
Does the intergenerational majority narrative of conflicts affect the exclusion of ethnic and religious minorities in Bangladesh? This thesis argues that while learning from majority group...Show moreDoes the intergenerational majority narrative of conflicts affect the exclusion of ethnic and religious minorities in Bangladesh? This thesis argues that while learning from majority group narratives which centre Bengali and Muslim stories might produce more exclusionary attitudes, critical memory studies is not sufficient in building an inclusive society in a state with weak and corrupt institutions. While the main explanatory variable is sources of transmission of conflict narratives, this research also examines other variables such as minority contact, proximity to conflict, and level of victimisation. Using primary data in the form of both a survey and focus group discussion, this research uses mixed-methods analysis to explore which factors result in more exclusionary attitudes by the Bengali Muslim majority in Bangladesh.Show less
Although scholars have studied the aftermath of interstate cyberattacks, there has been little research on how states use non-violent measures to react to these digital attacks. Instead, research...Show moreAlthough scholars have studied the aftermath of interstate cyberattacks, there has been little research on how states use non-violent measures to react to these digital attacks. Instead, research has focussed on how cyberattacks are unlikely to trigger a physically violent, interstate response, missing how these new weapons can worsen interstate relations in non-violent ways. To address this gap, I pose the question, do cyberattacks lead to a decline in interstate relations, while still avoiding physical conflict? States are incentivised to deter future attacks by responding to the incursion while avoiding costly, physical confrontation. However, the intensity of this response is likely to be influenced by their relationship with their attacker. Attacks launched by rivals can appear more threatening due to their history of conflict and therefore warrant more aggressive, non-violent responses. I therefore investigate whether cyberattacks lead to an increase in an attacked state’s defence budget and a reduction in diplomatic relations. While some support is found for states using these non-violent measures as a response to cyberattacks, the presence of a rivalry did not lead to the expected outcomes, due to weaknesses with the operationalisation of my variables. Nevertheless, my thesis indicates non-violent, negative measures are used in response to a cyberattack and therefore the impact of cyberweapons in damaging interstate relations should not be underestimated.Show less
The study explores the shift in anti-immigrant discourse of the French far-right party leadership with regard to the Ukrainian refugee crisis. A discourse analysis of the tweets and their...Show moreThe study explores the shift in anti-immigrant discourse of the French far-right party leadership with regard to the Ukrainian refugee crisis. A discourse analysis of the tweets and their accompanying media for Marine Le Pen (RN) and Éric Zemmour (R!) was conducted for the presidential campaign and election period of February to April 2022. The material selected was coded through ATLAS.ti into themes informed by the literature review and the theoretical framework. The findings indeed confirm a shift in emerging discourse, whereby solidarity towards and welcoming of Ukrainian refugees is grounded on the pretense of the traditional Christian spirit of providing asylum as well as their cultural and geographic proximity. Simultaneously, the limits of the Christian spirit towards non-European asylum seekers, refugees and immigrants was justified through discourse relying on neo-racist rhetoric based on ‘cultural differentialism’. These arguments often encompass non-European refugees fleeing from Ukraine.Show less
Onderzoek naar de temporele patronen achter de wetgevende functie zoals uitgeoefend door het Nederlandse kabinet. Speciale aandacht voor de theoretische effecten van (voortijdige)...Show moreOnderzoek naar de temporele patronen achter de wetgevende functie zoals uitgeoefend door het Nederlandse kabinet. Speciale aandacht voor de theoretische effecten van (voortijdige) kabinetsontslagneming hierop. Kwantitatieve analyse van de indiening van wetsvoorstellen bij de Tweede Kamer gedurende de parlementaire jaren 1998-2022.Show less
This study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS)...Show moreThis study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS) in the field of counterterrorism. It is an explanatory deductive study employing qualitative methods, more specifically process-tracing, using data obtained from interviews and analysis of primary and secondary sources. The Madrid 2004 bombings and November 2015 Paris attacks are used as case studies to provide in-depth analysis of the MIC framework. The findings indicate that the driver internal demand contributes significantly to a MS’ decision to engage in intelligence exchange. The other two drivers, external pressure and cooperative momentum, are clearly discernible but have a smaller impact. Additionally, this research examines the MIC model’s limitations and discusses alternative factors crucial for establishing effective multilateral intelligence cooperation.Show less
How does international donor aid or “civil society assistance” impact political change in authoritarian states? Applying existing theories of civil society, democratization and authoritarianism,...Show moreHow does international donor aid or “civil society assistance” impact political change in authoritarian states? Applying existing theories of civil society, democratization and authoritarianism, this study draws attention to a particular branch of international donor aid that extensively implements political programs for youth in Jordan’s civil society. The main finding of this study is that international donors provide some opportunities for political change but overall reinforce the political status quo. The findings emphasize the theoretical argument that international aid can strengthen authoritarian rule. By conducting semi-structured interviews with Jordanian experts and youth who have observed the impact of international donors on the ground, this research increases understanding of the impact of international donor aid on political change in authoritarian contexts.Show less
What happens when populist radical right parties (PRRPs) adopt an anti-lockdown stance? PRRPs in Western Europe, which in ideology are mostly comparable, have been divided on the issue of COVID-19....Show moreWhat happens when populist radical right parties (PRRPs) adopt an anti-lockdown stance? PRRPs in Western Europe, which in ideology are mostly comparable, have been divided on the issue of COVID-19. The answer does not follow automatically from their economic, cultural or anti-elitist positions, which all seem to advocate for a different strategy. In some countries, such as the Netherlands, two PRRPs have each taken a different approach: one became an anti-lockdown party, the other did not. In this study the effects of becoming an anti-lockdown party on their voter base, who either vote for economic, cultural or anti-elitist reasons, have been examined using a mediation analysis on existing panel data. This study concludes that voters, who mostly vote because they agree with the PRRPs cultural right-wing positions, might be dissuaded to vote for a PRRP that has become an anti-lockdown party. However, anti-lockdown attitudes most strongly positively affect voting for an anti-lockdown party on their own and appear to tap into a new voter base. Future research is needed in order to corroborate this finding.Show less
Recent advisory reports on the Dutch parliamentary system, public scrutiny, and parliamentary upheaval following transgressive behaviour by the old speaker of parliament have drawn attention to the...Show moreRecent advisory reports on the Dutch parliamentary system, public scrutiny, and parliamentary upheaval following transgressive behaviour by the old speaker of parliament have drawn attention to the functioning of parliamentary administrations. The support staff of parliaments is a scarcely covered topic in political science. In a new body of literature, this article is only the second to examine parliamentary staff size quantitatively. It fundamentally extends the scope of previous research from western democracies to a much broader population of parliaments. Drawing on both a functionalist and an institutionalist framework, it hypothesises that population size, population non-linearity, clientelism, parliamentary competition, an interaction between clientelism and parliamentary competition, parliamentary culture, and institutional isomorphism influence the number of institutional and committee staff in parliaments. This research uses house-level data from 161 countries over ten years and employs multilevel analysis to test these hypotheses. It finds strong support that population size, population size non-linearity, and institutional isomorphism influence staff size, while it finds mixed support for parliamentary competition as a predictor of staff size. There was no support for parliamentary culture, clientelism, and the clientelism-competition interaction hypotheses. Additionally, previously thought insignificant predictors of staff size, such as assembly size and parliamentary powers, were, in fact, significant. This article is the first to look at parliamentary administrations, which are vital to the functioning of primary democratic institutions, from a global perspective. Due to the mixed results, it calls for more extensive research on different types of staff, further disentangling of the mechanisms posited, and further data collection to progress understanding of this veiled political and administrative institution.Show less
PA’s hebben een unieke positie in het Nederlandse staatsbestel: ze worden persoonlijk door hun bewindspersoon benoemd, zijn actief in de ambtelijke top van hun ministerie en hebben veel contact met...Show morePA’s hebben een unieke positie in het Nederlandse staatsbestel: ze worden persoonlijk door hun bewindspersoon benoemd, zijn actief in de ambtelijke top van hun ministerie en hebben veel contact met politici, partijgenoten, media en belangenbehartigers. Tegelijkertijd is er weinig inzicht in hoeverre hun werk eerder ondersteunend of strategisch is en of dit de afgelopen twintig jaar veranderd is. Op basis van dertien interviews met PA’s kan gesteld worden dat de rol sterk afhankelijk is van de positie van de bewindspersoon in het kabinet en de taken die een PA van de bewindspersoon mag uitvoeren. Binnen kabinetten zitten hierdoor grote verschillen in de mate waarin PA’s strategisch opereren. Er zijn ook overeenkomsten: vrijwel alle PA’s besteden de meeste tijd op het ministerie, gevolgd door het parlement, het contact met de minister en contact met journalisten en belangenbehartigers. Het werk van de PA lijkt de afgelopen twee decennia, door toegenomen versplintering en minderheden voor kabinetten in de Eerste en Tweede Kamer, strategischer geworden. Ook zijn PA’s meer tijd aan het parlement gaan besteden. De instelling van een parlementair contactpersoon zorgt er daarnaast voor dat een gedeelte van de ondersteunende werkzaamheden uit handen wordt genomen. De maatschappelijke discussie over dualisme raakt direct aan het werk van de PA, die als verbinder en vertaler voor menselijk contact tussen twee werelden kan zorgen. Door de beperkte functieomschrijving kan het takenpakket erg verschillen: van het halen van koffie tot aan meedenken bij vacatures voor topambtenaren aan toe. Inzichten uit dit onderzoek zijn relevant voor de discussie over kabinetisering in Nederland, maar kunnen ook gebruikt worden in het aangekondigde onderzoek naar regelgeving voor PA’s door het ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties.Show less
De onderzoeksvraag luidt als volgt: tot welke partijfamilie behoort de BoerBurgerBeweging (BBB)? De verwachting van dit onderzoek is dat de partij tot de rechts-populistische partijfamilie behoort,...Show moreDe onderzoeksvraag luidt als volgt: tot welke partijfamilie behoort de BoerBurgerBeweging (BBB)? De verwachting van dit onderzoek is dat de partij tot de rechts-populistische partijfamilie behoort, of tot de agraristische partijfamilie. Aan de hand van bestaande literatuur zijn er per partijfamilie drie indicatoren ontwikkeld die de ideologische kernkenmerken van de partijfamilie meten. Bij radicaal rechts-populisme zijn dit nativisme, autoritarisme en populisme (Mudde, 2007). Bij agrarisme zijn dit het contrast tussen stad en platteland, decentralisatie en de relatie tussen mens en natuur. Aan de hand van de genoemde aspecten, en in vergelijking met een bestaande rechts-populistische partij (PVV), is de BBB gescoord op zowel radicaal rechts-populisme als agrarisme. Ik maak hiervoor gebruik van content analysis. Het materiaal dat gebruikt is, zijn parlementaire instrumenten, speeches en het verkiezingsprogramma. De onderzochte instrumenten splitsen zich toe op de periode van maart 2021 tot september 2022. Dit onderzoek wijst uit dat BBB op één aspect van recht- populisme een hogere score haalt dan de PVV, zijnde populisme. Bij agrarisme behaalt de BBB op alle drie de aspecten een hogere score dan de rechts-populistische PVV en de hoogste scores bij het aspect contrast stad-platteland. Er wordt daarom geconcludeerd dat de BBB tot de agraristische partijfamilie behoort, ondanks het wel (agrarisch) populistische karakteristieken bevat.Show less
