The process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for...Show moreThe process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for years, sometimes even decades, ultimately being labeled as failed democratization attempts. Specifically concerning former Soviet Union (USSR) states, many have attempted democratization, yielding vastly different results. Some states, such as Estonia, have successfully democratized, and are now officially considered to be a democratized state. However, other states, such as Moldova, have been unable to progress further towards democratization, plagued by political, social and economic unrest. When looking at the case of Ukraine, we see a similar situation as Moldova—a stagnated process of democratization, plagued by unrest and conflict. However, in the case of Ukraine, there is still a chance at democratization. How will this become so? Why is it that some former USSR states have achieved democratization, while others have fallen behind and stagnated? This thesis will focus on evaluating the role of third-party mediation and Russian interference in the democratization of Ukraine, specifically considering the Eastern Ukrainian War in Donbas. This research will draw from established factors of successful democratization and apply several theories to analyze the impact Russian interference and failure of third-party mediation efforts during a conflict have on these factors. The research finds that Ukraine’s path towards democratization has been stagnated in part due to the failure of credible third-party mediation to monitor Russian aggression and commitment to ceasefire agreements. The visible effects can be seen during, and after, the War in Donbas. This research builds on existing factors of democratization in order to analyze a new argument of why democratization has failed, using the new factors of credible third-party mediation and Russian intervention again the theoretical framework of multidimensional prevention and the commitment problem.Show less
Taiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined...Show moreTaiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined Taiwanese independence or even perpetual maintenance of the status quo as a ‘red line’ and, thus, integration of Taiwan into China as a prime objective. This thesis ap proaches that question by employing a Neoclassical Realist-Constructivist hybrid as a theoret ical framework and identifying dual legitimacy of authoritarian regimes as the imperative that informs foreign policy decision-making of ‘Calculative Revisionist’ great powers. This makes the Taiwan issue both a case study and an important scenario. Furthermore, the thesis com bines the exploration of factors of dual legitimacy with a probability/risk-assessment of poten tial options for implementing China’s objective of Taiwanese integration or, at least, preven tion of formal independence.Show less
This study examines the interpretation of the concept of female empowerment from two perspectives: that of local South Sudanese, both men and women, and that of Europeaid, the EU delegation in...Show moreThis study examines the interpretation of the concept of female empowerment from two perspectives: that of local South Sudanese, both men and women, and that of Europeaid, the EU delegation in charge of a female empowerment project in South Sudan. In order to conduct this research, focus group discussions were held among the local South Sudanese, both men and women, and an in-depth interview was held with Anna Dmitrijewa, the programme manager of Europeaid’s South Sudanese delegation. This research expands the literature on female empowerment, as it is a unique case study conducted in a new nation state struggling with different views on gender roles in national law and customary law. It illustrates the comparability and discrepancy between Europeaid, as an outside party, and the local South Sudanese. All parties indicated that the economic side to female empowerment is relevant, though each group focused on economics differently. The South Sudanese women focused on economic autonomy and rights to property and inheritance, the South Sudanese men focused on making resources available, while both groups stayed cautiously away from social change. Europeaid focused very much on how economics can determine women’s social value and attempts to counter that, directly linking economic and social empowerment. Furthermore, the three parties all agreed that legal empowerment was necessary as a method to defend women’s rights, even though the parties did not have the same view on women’s rights. This research therefore illustrated that female empowerment, the format it should take, and its necessity was viewed differently by each party, particularly social empowerment being viewed as necessary by Europeaid, and unnecessary or even undesirable by the local men and women. Nevertheless, economics remained in the centre position for all parties.Show less
Climate change is a long-term global concern that must be tackled via international cooperation. Most countries are aware of the need to address climate change as the severity of the problem grows....Show moreClimate change is a long-term global concern that must be tackled via international cooperation. Most countries are aware of the need to address climate change as the severity of the problem grows. China is a key participant in the global climate governance system as the world's largest developing country and greenhouse gas emitter. This thesis examines China's historical participation in global climate regulation from the standpoint of a national role, as well as the variables that cause changes in China’s role.Show less
In a quickly globalizing world, it is important to understand how foreign-policy takes shape. Using a constructivist perspective, this thesis researches the relationship between foreign-policy and...Show moreIn a quickly globalizing world, it is important to understand how foreign-policy takes shape. Using a constructivist perspective, this thesis researches the relationship between foreign-policy and individual decision-makers. To do so, this thesis composes the belief-systems of Barack Obama and Donald Trump and provides an overview of their administration’s foreign-policy towards China. Thereby it uncovers the relationship between the two phenomena. The belief-systems are composed though qualitative narrative analysis of speeches, delivered by the men throughout their time as president. The overview of American foreign policy towards China is composed though an inductive analysis of official foreign-policy documents. My research findings indicate that, for this specific case, there is indeed a relationship between the belief-systems of Barack Obama and Donald Trump and their administration’s foreign-policy towards China. Although the nature of this research does not allow for generalization, this thesis proves that the relationship between belief-systems and foreign-policy is important to research.Show less
The study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something...Show moreThe study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something that has previously not been studied in the literature. The analysis did this in regards to China as the main adversary of the United States today. Through a process-type tracing method the paper analyzed three crises; the 1973 oil crisis, the 2000’s oil crisis and the 2000’s gas crisis over two subsequent presidential terms. The findings indicated that the offensive neo-realist assumptions of the US vigorously pursuing its own energy security and sabotaging China’s did not hold true. The findings did however show that the US still pursued its own energy security goals on the international arena in a moderate, yet assertive manner, more aligning with the theoretical tenets of defensive neorealism. Further research on whether or not the defensive neorealist findings hold true regarding US-China relations across time would be beneficial to the theoretical debate.Show less
In deze scriptie is onderzocht welke strategieën public affairs-kantoren hanteren om invloed uit te oefenen op de politieke besluitvorming op nationaal niveau in Nederland. Dat is gebeurd aan de...Show moreIn deze scriptie is onderzocht welke strategieën public affairs-kantoren hanteren om invloed uit te oefenen op de politieke besluitvorming op nationaal niveau in Nederland. Dat is gebeurd aan de hand van semigestructureerde interviews met acht public affairs-kantoren. Uit de resultaten blijken de participerende kantoren hetzelfde doel te hebben - politieke beïnvloeding -, daartoe een soortgelijke aanpak te hanteren en daarbij dezelfde lobbytargets voor ogen te hebben. Hierbij geven zij echter wel allemaal aan dat dit sterk kan variëren per casus en blijkt dat er ook tussen kantoren verschillende voorkeuren zijn wat betreft aanpak. Duidelijk is wel dat er één kader bestaat waarbinnen gewerkt wordt. In alle interviews kwam aan bod dat public affairs-kantoren de politiek proberen te beïnvloeden met een integrale aanpak die voorbij zogenaamd ‘ouderwets’ lobbyen kijkt, waarbinnen een keuzepakket aan te nemen stappen bestaat, die hoofdzakelijk gericht zijn op het beleidsproces en waarin het zwaartepunt ligt in de ambtelijke voorbereiding. Dit werpt een nieuw licht op activiteiten van lobbyisten omdat de focus in het kader van hun lobbyactiviteiten ten onrechte vaak gericht is op beïnvloeding van politieke en bestuurlijke kopstukken, in plaats van op de ambtelijke voorbereiding.Show less
In this thesis, I explore the relationship between ethnic violence and neighbourhood ethnic composition during times of ethnic civil conflict. Much of the existing literature utilises either the...Show moreIn this thesis, I explore the relationship between ethnic violence and neighbourhood ethnic composition during times of ethnic civil conflict. Much of the existing literature utilises either the ethnic competition theory or the ethnic segregation theory to explain ethnic conflict. These theories offer conflicting results; I attempt to address this by using a relatively novel unit of analysis: the neighbourhood and applying it nationwide rather than limiting it to specific cities or urban areas. My argument is based on Allport’s (1954) intergroup contact theory. I connect a fall in prejudice on an individual level to a fall in prejudice on the group level. I argue that intergroup contact is more likely to occur in ethnically mixed neighbourhoods and subsequently link falling prejudice to falling rates of violence. I therefore hypothesise that ethnic violence will be lower in mixed than in segregated neighbourhoods during ethnic conflict. I select Northern Ireland as a case study for my research because it is highly polarised, it has a widely dispersed population of its two principal ethnic groups, it is a likely candidate for the ethnic competition theory, and because it has an abundance of data. I then test my hypothesis, firstly by means of a two-sample Z test for proportions, and subsequently by using a logistic regression model. Contrary to my theoretical expectation, I find no significant relationship between the ethnic composition of a neighbourhood and levels of ethnic violence.Show less
Taglit, also known as Birthright, is a free 10-day trip to Israel offered to all Jews in the world between the ages of 18 and 32. Taglit-Birthright can be understood as a nation-building program,...Show moreTaglit, also known as Birthright, is a free 10-day trip to Israel offered to all Jews in the world between the ages of 18 and 32. Taglit-Birthright can be understood as a nation-building program, which inculcates a nationalistic vision of Jewish peoplehood on participants. This thesis critically analyzes what this nationalistic vision entails through an interpretive study. For that purpose, ten semi-structured interviews were conducted with former Taglit participants from Argentina. Thereby, the thesis analyzes Taglit’s vision of homeland and people, as well as the role of rituals in promoting nationalistic stances. By using Argentinian’s subjective experiences as a “breaching mechanism” to understand Israeli nationalism, the thesis contributes not only to literature on Taglit, but also to literature on nationalism and Zionism. The thesis concludes that Taglit-Birthright promotes a vision of Jewish peoplehood which (1) claims politically contested territory as part of a Jewish homeland and (2) justifies militarism and Jewish statehood by framing it as a necessary response to the Nazi holocaust.Show less
