Seeking to more profoundly understand the nexus between race and class in Brazil, and comprehend its implications for political consciousness, this thesis centres the question: “How is political...Show moreSeeking to more profoundly understand the nexus between race and class in Brazil, and comprehend its implications for political consciousness, this thesis centres the question: “How is political consciousness of Afro-Brazilian emancipation movements informed by class interests?” In this capacity, class interests are interpreted as racialised consciousness, derived from the neo- Marxist theory of racialisation, a lens that figures prominently in this study. Remaining open to alternative explanations, through exploring discourse of Afro-Brazilian movement Black Coalition for Rights, this study concludes that two forms of consciousness theoretically assumed to be different are both built on similar premises that recognise the role of capitalist structures in processes of racialisation.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to explore the international component of democratization theory, asking: How has international election observers' involvement in promoting and diffusing democratic...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to explore the international component of democratization theory, asking: How has international election observers' involvement in promoting and diffusing democratic electoral norms and practices during presidential elections in Kenya from 1989 to 2020 impacted Kenya's democratization process? First, the theoretical debate on the effectiveness of election observation in fostering democratization is explored. This part identifies that there are substantial knowledge gaps between the theory and reality of election observation, warranting exploration of the causal mechanisms and variables linking election observation and democratization. The necessity of exploring this also arises from the fact that election observation has had mixed democratization outcomes; in Kenya, there are two cases of democratic decline post-observation (2007 and 2017 elections) and four cases of democratic growth (1992, 1997, 2002, 2013). By exploring the negative and positive cases in a single and cross-case analysis, drawing on democracy promotion and diffusion frameworks, this thesis explains that prevailing assumptions of election observation that it deters fraud and cheating, promotes democratic practices, and diffuses free and fair electoral processes largely hold true. It will show that the reasons for varying democratic outcomes are shaped through how different institutions, methods, relations, channeling, extents of synergy, and ideas of "free and fair" affect this process.Show less
The dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving...Show moreThe dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving away from powers like France and Germany towards countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The aforementioned transition was precipitated, among other factors, by the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, which has significantly impacted geopolitical terrain. Poland, a nation with significant economic and military prowess and a sizable population, is positioning itself as a key player aiming to rebalance power dynamics in favor of Central and Eastern European member states that have historically been marginalized. This study seeks to answer the question concerning the presence of a power shift within the European Union, and to identify the fundamental causes driving this change.Show less
The rise of populism within the European Union (EU) threatens the protection of human rights, including gender-equality. Although several studies tried to explain the effect of populism on gender...Show moreThe rise of populism within the European Union (EU) threatens the protection of human rights, including gender-equality. Although several studies tried to explain the effect of populism on gender-equality, they do so by using case study analyses focusing mainly on populist rhetoric. To deepen the understanding of previous research, this study reanalyzes the effect of populism on gender-equality. I add to the existing literature by taking a quantitative approach studying the effect of right-wing populism on gender-equality within the EU. Using an Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis, I combine several datasets to explore the relationship between 2010 and 2021 within all EU member states. I hypothesize that countries which contain a higher share of right-wing populist posts as part of the total cabinet posts, show lower levels of gender-equality. To test this hypothesis, I identify right-wing populist parties within the EU by using data of the Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2021 dataset (CPDS). Moreover, I operationalize gender-equality consulting the Gender Equality Index (GEI) measured by the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE). The results illustrate the effect of populism on gender-equality is context-dependent, meaning that populism only influences some areas of gender-equality.Show less
Vietnamese modern history has always been in opposition to China’s economic and geopolitical interests, rejecting further encroachment upon their economy for their geopolitical independence. In...Show moreVietnamese modern history has always been in opposition to China’s economic and geopolitical interests, rejecting further encroachment upon their economy for their geopolitical independence. In spite of this opposition, Vietnam joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s development project that serves as their geoeconomic tool to gain further influence upon its members. I theorise that Vietnam was coerced into entering the BRI against its interest by two main factors: Chinese firms’ economic dominance over Vietnam, and Vietnam's unreliable trade partners. With a focus on the causal mechanisms and the causal link that drove this event to happen, this paper will use process tracing as the method of research. Through this research, I seek to expand upon the underexplored academic gap of a least likely case against Chinese geoeconomic encroachment.Show less
This thesis aims to assess the impact of the European Union's normative power in promoting human rights and democratic norms in Mexico between 2000 and 2015. Manners' (2002) introduction of the...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess the impact of the European Union's normative power in promoting human rights and democratic norms in Mexico between 2000 and 2015. Manners' (2002) introduction of the concept of ‘normative power Europe’ (NPE) has raised increasing interest among scholars, especially those concerned about how the European Union (EU) shapes the world’s conception of what is ‘normal’. Nevertheless, extensive research focuses on the NPE’s ontological conceptualisation and its effectiveness in EU candidate countries, while fewer studies explore the EU’s normative power implications in countries with no possibility of joining the Union. This research addresses this gap by focusing on the EU’s normative power impact in Mexico, a country with no prospect of membership. In 1997, Mexico became the first Latin American country to sign a free trade, political and cooperation agreement with the EU, also known as the Global Agreement. This qualitative study shows that the EU has positively impacted the Mexican norms in democracy and human rights by implementing political conditionality in the Global Agreement. The study's broader implications reflect the EU's growing international role and its effectiveness in promoting its constitutive norms around the world.Show less
Sexual violence against girls and women in times of conflict is a widespread and devastating human rights violation worldwide. With this issue increasingly recognized as an international security...Show moreSexual violence against girls and women in times of conflict is a widespread and devastating human rights violation worldwide. With this issue increasingly recognized as an international security issue, the international community has begun to take steps to address it. Yet, despite a large number of measures implemented by the United Nations (UN), conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) persists. This thesis explores the UN’s ineffectiveness in combating CRSV. Drawing on a comparative case study of the Iraq war and the South Sudan conflict, this paper seeks to understand how the UN’s legitimacy and resources may be at the root of this ineffectiveness. The results of this research contribute to a better understanding of the complexities of sexual and gender-based violence in different conflict contexts, and provide insight into strategies to strengthen the UN’s capacity to prevent and respond to these violations of human rights.Show less
The existing academic literature explores the causal relationship between ethnic cleavage and the outbreak of war, with a particular emphasis on repression, resistance, and identity. While scholars...Show moreThe existing academic literature explores the causal relationship between ethnic cleavage and the outbreak of war, with a particular emphasis on repression, resistance, and identity. While scholars recognize the importance of these concepts, they typically examine two distinct areas: the interaction between repression and resistance, and the isolated analysis of identity. This compartmentalized approach overlooks the interplay between these concepts and their combined impact on the path to war. The dissertation addresses this gap by testing the theory of the nexus of repression, resistance, and identity in the case of Kosovo from 1981 to 1998. To explore this relationship, the study integrates data from secondary sources, semi-structured interviews with individuals involved in the activities leading up to the Kosovo War, and archival material.Show less
The consistent implementation of debt trap diplomacy by China has become an important instrument in the superpower’s quest for further worldwide dominance and power. This paper examines how the...Show moreThe consistent implementation of debt trap diplomacy by China has become an important instrument in the superpower’s quest for further worldwide dominance and power. This paper examines how the nation’s debt trap diplomacy has helped it consolidate its position within the global order by offering insights gathered from a case study of the small east African country of Djibouti. Due to its helpful marine connections and strategic location at the intersection of Africa, the Middle East and Asia, Djibouti has been a focal point in the field of geopolitics. Building ports, railroads, and military facilities are only a few examples of the infrastructure development projects that have dominated China's relationship with the nation. China's debt trap diplomacy in the region is based on the substantial loans that its government and state-owned banks have provided to fund these projects. The involvement in Djibouti is an example of China’s larger gameplan meant to increase its power and influence in the international system. The eastern power’s use of its economic might to fund infrastructure projects and give easy loans effectively confines small countries like Djibouti within its area of influence. As a result, China's position as a major actor in world events is strengthened, further eroding the conventional power structures set up by Western countries.Show less
The Sino-Russian relationship has been the topic of much interest, especially with regard to Central Asia. Much analysis studies it in terms of hard power resources, positing an axis-of-convenience...Show moreThe Sino-Russian relationship has been the topic of much interest, especially with regard to Central Asia. Much analysis studies it in terms of hard power resources, positing an axis-of-convenience. This research challenges that view by looking at an area of competing influence: educational diplomacy. The Russo-Kazakh and Sino-Kazakh relationships are chosen to compare the resources, strategies, and outcomes. Analysis of official discourse and foreign policy are synthesized with previous research and surveys on Kazakhstani perceptions, and data on students studying in China and Russia. The varying approaches of Russia and China are compared to ascertain their success in soft power projection via educational diplomacy, and how it provides insight into the balance of power in Central Asia.Show less
There has been a surge in ethnic conflicts in recent decades, coinciding with a rise in foreign development aid targeted at post-conflict reconstruction in the affected states. While extant...Show moreThere has been a surge in ethnic conflicts in recent decades, coinciding with a rise in foreign development aid targeted at post-conflict reconstruction in the affected states. While extant literature highlights contradictions in the desired outcomes of foreign aid in recipient states, fewer studies address these outcomes in post-ethnic conflict contexts. This project addresses this gap, focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and argues that foreign development aid plays a crucial role in sustaining peace through its capacity to bolster democracy and stimulate economic growth, thereby mitigating ethnic tensions and fostering cooperation. Since the end of the Bosnian War in 1995, the three ethnic factions continue to co-exist within BiH, and the country is today on the path to European Union membership, making it an interesting case to study regarding the evaluation of foreign development aid’s contributions in sustaining the peace there. However, the findings of this study yield ambiguous results, shedding light on the complexities of aid's impact in such contexts. While foreign development aid has prevented another war, ethnic and political tensions still linger. The broader implications of this study inform the future of conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and foreign development aid implementation strategies.Show less
The central role of institutions in development is strongly established in the literature. Many countries in the developing world struggle with institutional performance. A ‘postinstitutional turn’...Show moreThe central role of institutions in development is strongly established in the literature. Many countries in the developing world struggle with institutional performance. A ‘postinstitutional turn’ in the developmental literature emphasises that the reason is political. The burgeoning field of Political Settlement Analysis contends that institutions are the product of a political settlement that reflects the power configurations and interests of powerful groups. Within Political Settlement Analysis, whether power configurations have explanatory power in explaining institutional performance is contested. This thesis tests this by investigating how power configurations affect institutional performance through a most similar system analysis of the ‘false twins’ Rwanda and Burundi. In line with theoretical expectations, the results of the analysis indicates that concentrated power configurations had a positive effects on institutional performance (Rwanda), while more dispersed power configurations did not (Burundi)Show less
This study delves into the often-overlooked realm of small states' influence within international organizations (IOs), focusing on the mechanism of rhetorical action and entrapment. Grounded in...Show moreThis study delves into the often-overlooked realm of small states' influence within international organizations (IOs), focusing on the mechanism of rhetorical action and entrapment. Grounded in theoretical insights from Baldacchino and Wivel (2020), Long (2017b), and Schimmelfenning (2001), this article investigates how small states strategically navigate power dynamics within IOs, leveraging discourse to advance their interests. Specifically, it examines Uruguay's engagement within the Mercosur as a case study, aiming to shed light on the nuanced mechanisms through which small states can exert influence and shape outcomes within IOs. Uruguay's strategic alignment with Mercosur’s foundational values underscores its role as a dedicated advocate for collective benefits, enhancing its credibility within the community. By consistently encouraging reforms for the modernization and flexibilization of the IO, Uruguay leverages rhetorical entrapment to compel larger member states to align with its agenda, risking their credibility if they oppose. The effectiveness of this mechanism is empirically demonstrated in Uruguay's role in the negotiation and signing of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Singapore, showcasing its capacity to stir Mercosur's policy direction and affirming the strategic use of discourse by smaller states to achieve substantial outcomes with larger regional frameworks.Show less
The Paris Agreement calls for a reduction in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. Energy production is the primary source of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions (Ritchie, 2020). In 2023, Finland's energy...Show moreThe Paris Agreement calls for a reduction in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. Energy production is the primary source of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions (Ritchie, 2020). In 2023, Finland's energy production was responsible for 70% of GHG emissions (Statistics Finland, 2024, May 31). Using the theoretical framework established by David G. Victor, Kal Raustiala, and Eugene B. Skolnikoff (1998), this study explores how Finland and its energy sector have approached their nationally determined commitments (NDCs) to reduce GHG emissions in line with the Paris Agreement. The study takes a top-down approach, analysing government legislation to identify the key factors forming what Victor et al. (1998) call systems for implementation review and the changes in these factors mean in implementing NDCs in Finland. Through this, the research illustrates Finland’s monitoring and reporting capabilities. It also shows the various political influences that have affected the implementation of the Paris Agreement in different parts of Finland’s energy sector.Show less
Violence in migration is not a new phenomenon. Indeed, from the beginning of their journey until their arrival in the destination country, migrants, refugees and asylum seekers are victims of...Show moreViolence in migration is not a new phenomenon. Indeed, from the beginning of their journey until their arrival in the destination country, migrants, refugees and asylum seekers are victims of abuses and violence from many different sources. May it be smugglers, criminals, police officers, or even local populations, they face constant physical and mental threats. However, an important dimension of these abuses is understudied: gender-based violence (GBV). Indeed, while all migrants face threats, women and young girls are often more at risk of being physically and mentally harmed, even trafficked. Additionally, receiving countries, especially in times of crisis, seem to have a particularly hard time protecting this vulnerable group from abuses. Focusing on the 2015 refugee crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, this thesis focuses on how states, specifically Italy and France, failed to use intersectionality and human rights approaches to establish comprehensive and adapted policies to protect migrant women’s livelihood and integrity during two crises. Furthermore, it argues that without the proper training in crisis management and anticipation, public administrations and policymakers failed to protect female migrants from a continuum of violence and did not enforce said policies.Show less
