The Sino-Russian relationship has been the topic of much interest, especially with regard to Central Asia. Much analysis studies it in terms of hard power resources, positing an axis-of-convenience...Show moreThe Sino-Russian relationship has been the topic of much interest, especially with regard to Central Asia. Much analysis studies it in terms of hard power resources, positing an axis-of-convenience. This research challenges that view by looking at an area of competing influence: educational diplomacy. The Russo-Kazakh and Sino-Kazakh relationships are chosen to compare the resources, strategies, and outcomes. Analysis of official discourse and foreign policy are synthesized with previous research and surveys on Kazakhstani perceptions, and data on students studying in China and Russia. The varying approaches of Russia and China are compared to ascertain their success in soft power projection via educational diplomacy, and how it provides insight into the balance of power in Central Asia.Show less
There has been a surge in ethnic conflicts in recent decades, coinciding with a rise in foreign development aid targeted at post-conflict reconstruction in the affected states. While extant...Show moreThere has been a surge in ethnic conflicts in recent decades, coinciding with a rise in foreign development aid targeted at post-conflict reconstruction in the affected states. While extant literature highlights contradictions in the desired outcomes of foreign aid in recipient states, fewer studies address these outcomes in post-ethnic conflict contexts. This project addresses this gap, focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and argues that foreign development aid plays a crucial role in sustaining peace through its capacity to bolster democracy and stimulate economic growth, thereby mitigating ethnic tensions and fostering cooperation. Since the end of the Bosnian War in 1995, the three ethnic factions continue to co-exist within BiH, and the country is today on the path to European Union membership, making it an interesting case to study regarding the evaluation of foreign development aid’s contributions in sustaining the peace there. However, the findings of this study yield ambiguous results, shedding light on the complexities of aid's impact in such contexts. While foreign development aid has prevented another war, ethnic and political tensions still linger. The broader implications of this study inform the future of conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and foreign development aid implementation strategies.Show less
This study investigates the dual developments of Rwanda’s political and economic evolutions over the last 24 years, under Kagame’s presidency. A closer look is taken at the conditions and processes...Show moreThis study investigates the dual developments of Rwanda’s political and economic evolutions over the last 24 years, under Kagame’s presidency. A closer look is taken at the conditions and processes which have led to the current state of high economic growth, while lacking democratic rights and freedoms. Expanding upon the work of previous scholars, theories on both democracies and economics are used to answer the posed research question by means of theory-testing process testing. The latter include Foreign Direct Investments (FDI). The result of this research expands upon the body of research, focused on the current, rapidly progressing developments in Africa which has gained more international attention due to its recent rapid economic developments.Show less
This study delves into the often-overlooked realm of small states' influence within international organizations (IOs), focusing on the mechanism of rhetorical action and entrapment. Grounded in...Show moreThis study delves into the often-overlooked realm of small states' influence within international organizations (IOs), focusing on the mechanism of rhetorical action and entrapment. Grounded in theoretical insights from Baldacchino and Wivel (2020), Long (2017b), and Schimmelfenning (2001), this article investigates how small states strategically navigate power dynamics within IOs, leveraging discourse to advance their interests. Specifically, it examines Uruguay's engagement within the Mercosur as a case study, aiming to shed light on the nuanced mechanisms through which small states can exert influence and shape outcomes within IOs. Uruguay's strategic alignment with Mercosur’s foundational values underscores its role as a dedicated advocate for collective benefits, enhancing its credibility within the community. By consistently encouraging reforms for the modernization and flexibilization of the IO, Uruguay leverages rhetorical entrapment to compel larger member states to align with its agenda, risking their credibility if they oppose. The effectiveness of this mechanism is empirically demonstrated in Uruguay's role in the negotiation and signing of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Singapore, showcasing its capacity to stir Mercosur's policy direction and affirming the strategic use of discourse by smaller states to achieve substantial outcomes with larger regional frameworks.Show less
This thesis aims to address the absence of a comprehensive bilateral cooperation framework between the US and Mexico in the field of migration. Despite the enduring significance of human mobility...Show moreThis thesis aims to address the absence of a comprehensive bilateral cooperation framework between the US and Mexico in the field of migration. Despite the enduring significance of human mobility between the two countries and the existence of converging interests, efforts to negotiate a migration agreement remain limited. Recognising the prevailing US-centric approach in the existing literature on the topic, this thesis shifts the focus to Mexican policy preferences, exploring their role in contributing to the absence of an all-encompassing cooperative migration framework. To do so, an “intermestic” approach is adopted to account for both domestic and international influences in shaping Mexico’s policy preferences. Through interviews with high-ranking Mexican diplomats, this study found that electoral and institutional dynamics, along with geopolitical considerations, contribute to the absence of a migration deal with the US. Indeed, the complex, multifaceted, and “intermestic” nature of Mexican policy preferences exacerbates difficulties in identifying a coordination point agreeable to both countries, resulting in a Coordination Dilemma, which prevents the establishment of a bilateral deal for migration management.Show less
This thesis is focused on the crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border of 2021 during which thousands of migrants tried to illegally enter Poland. It highlights the county’s unique response to the...Show moreThis thesis is focused on the crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border of 2021 during which thousands of migrants tried to illegally enter Poland. It highlights the county’s unique response to the crisis, including its decision not to involve Frontex, and poses a research question regarding what process led to this decision. To answer this inquiry, this thesis conducts an explaining outcome process tracing study, utilizing theories of Rational Choice and Securitization. The analysis proves the hypotheses, linking the Law and Justice party’s decision to the tension between them and the EU regarding migration policy, subsequently emphasizing independence from and growing military resources. Overall, it sheds light on the multifaceted nature of migration issues in contemporary Europe and the various political and institutional factors at play.Show less
This thesis investigates the striking disparity in the prevalence of alcohol use disorders (AUDs) between Hungary and Romania, despite similar levels of alcohol consumption. With 21,2% of the total...Show moreThis thesis investigates the striking disparity in the prevalence of alcohol use disorders (AUDs) between Hungary and Romania, despite similar levels of alcohol consumption. With 21,2% of the total population having alcohol use disorders, Hungary has the highest prevalence in all of Europe, whereas in Romania it is only 2,8%. This cross-case study delves into the various environmental factors influencing AUDs, such as economic development, early drinking, family, social and cultural norms, additional elements and alcohol control policies drawing on the body of academic literature, data sources as well as empirical evidence. With the usage of the World Health Organization's (WHO) "best buy" alcohol control policies, this research employs a most similar system design to evaluate the effectiveness of these alcohol control measures in Hungary and Romania. Findings indicate that while both nations have similar regulations and restrictions regarding availability and pricing, the regulations on the advertisement and product placements on alcohol are more stringent in Romania. This thesis emphasises the necessity of international organizations in offering guidelines and policy recommendations for tackling the harmful use of alcohol and consequently alcohol use disorders.Show less
How does economic development aid affect conflict intensity in minor civil conflicts? Previous research has found that economic development aid in civil wars can effectively reduce conflict...Show moreHow does economic development aid affect conflict intensity in minor civil conflicts? Previous research has found that economic development aid in civil wars can effectively reduce conflict intensity. It does so either directly by incentivising the population to cooperate with the government or indirectly by raising the opportunity costs of joining an insurgency. I propose that the same holds for minor civil conflicts. Due to insurgent groups’ weakness vis-à-vis the government, I argue that development aid in minor conflicts will have a greater substantive effect than in civil wars. Using data on 59 aid projects in federal states across Ethiopia, Mali, and Nigeria, I show that regions receiving development aid experience less violence than those without aid projects in regions under government control. However, an increase in development projects within these regions is associated with an increase in conflict intensity. In regions under insurgent territorial control, development aid substantially increases conflict intensity.Show less
The Syrian refugee crisis is one of the largest humanitarian crises that has shaped global politics and security approaches, with millions of Syrians leaving their country due to the civil war....Show moreThe Syrian refugee crisis is one of the largest humanitarian crises that has shaped global politics and security approaches, with millions of Syrians leaving their country due to the civil war. This study aims to analyse the securitization processes of Türkiye in response to the Syrian refugee influx. It is based on the Copenhagen School’s concept of securitization and examines how threat perception shapes security concerns. In this context, political actors are considered to have an important role in determining security issues, protecting their political interests, and increasing their influence on the electorate. Hence, political interests lead actors to have different securitization approaches towards migration. Using a process-tracing analysis, this study examines how political interest affects the securitization of migration in Türkiye after the Syrian refugee crisis. It analyses how political dynamics affect the perception of refugees as a security threat and policy decisions. This analysis reveals that Türkiye had a lower level of securitization process by adopting a more flexible approach in line with its initial open-door policy, then increasing securitization due to contested political elections in domestic politics.Show less
Democracy in Latin America is under extraordinary strain because of polarization. This thesis aims to investigate the drivers of party polarization, focusing on electoral volatility in 18 Latin...Show moreDemocracy in Latin America is under extraordinary strain because of polarization. This thesis aims to investigate the drivers of party polarization, focusing on electoral volatility in 18 Latin American countries from 1993-2018. Extant studies suggest that volatility influences polarization by incentivizing parties to adopt polarizing strategies to secure electoral survival. However, these studies suffer from methodological and theoretical drawbacks that I seek to overcome. By utilizing the Latin American Electoral Volatility Dataset (LAEVD), this thesis employs a more precise measure of polarization, particularly in assessing elite-driven polarization, while accounting for within-system volatility (votes transferred between existing parties), extra-system volatility (new party vote share), and additional control variables. Moreover, the theoretical underpinnings will be critically assessed and further developed, especially regarding new party entry. My results diverge from previous studies suggesting that Latin American democracies become more polarized as they age due to the entry of new (radical) parties. This reflects the persistent struggle for party systems in the region to institutionalize. As several countries have suffered pernicious consequences of polarization in recent years, avoiding democracy’s demise in Latin America requires sustainable party building to solidify electoral competition and regain citizens’ trust in democratic institutions.Show less
What are the implications of recognising ethnic groups and granting them specific rights for peace? This thesis examines the ongoing debate on ethnic recognition, highlighting that while it can...Show moreWhat are the implications of recognising ethnic groups and granting them specific rights for peace? This thesis examines the ongoing debate on ethnic recognition, highlighting that while it can address minority exclusion and foster trust, it may also institutionalise ethnic cleavages and promote antagonism. To assess its effects across different institutional and political contexts, the study further focuses on ethnic party bans as crucial institutions that complicate the relationship between ethnic recognition and peace. It is argued that these bans promote political inclusion of minority groups in situations where the state has implemented ethnic recognition, and prevent the politicisation of ethnicity where the state does recognise ethnic groups. Additionally, it introduces an improved operationalization of ethnic recognition, assessing its implementation across various governance domains in constitutions and peace agreements. Using panel data and Difference-in-Differences models, the study finds that ethnic recognition generally promotes peace, particularly in countries with ethnic party bans. However, it also reveals that ethnic recognition can undermine peace in the short term, increasing political violence in countries without prior ethnic conflicts.Show less
This thesis explores the dynamics of cooperation and alliance formation in the post-Cold War era, with a focus on how emerging powers within the Global South pick their allies. The study centres on...Show moreThis thesis explores the dynamics of cooperation and alliance formation in the post-Cold War era, with a focus on how emerging powers within the Global South pick their allies. The study centres on the alignment theory, which argues that internal state factors, specifically the personal interests of state leaders, are significant in alignment choices. This theory contrasts with traditional realist approaches that emphasize external threats and state security as primary motivators. Conducting a single case study of South Africa's ascension to the BRIC bloc in 2010 under president Jacob Zuma, this thesis employs theory-testing process tracing to examine the hypothesized causal mechanism where personal interests of Zuma eventually led to the ascension of South Africa to BRIC. The findings suggest that Zuma's personal motivations and corrupt practices significantly directed South Africa’s foreign policy and alignment choices, resulting in its alignment with BRIC. This challenges the conventional notion that state strategies in Global South contexts are predominantly shaped by geopolitical, security related, or identity driven considerations.Show less
This thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party...Show moreThis thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party for Freedom (PVV) moves from an outsider to a mainstream party in the 2021 and 2023 elections. Using a mixed-methods approach, 1,573 tweets from Wilders' X-account were collected and analysed, identifying 253 tweets containing conspiracy rhetoric, including 32 Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric tweets. The study created and employed a robust codebook to code the conspiracy tweets for their theme, agent, action, and intensity. The thesis places itself in the existing literature on the intersection of populism and conspiracy theories and their shared characteristics of anti-elitism, anti-pluralism, and threatened nationalism. Moreover, the study is underpinned by the theory that populism and conspiracy theories are used as an anti-establishment mobilisation tool, based on those shared characteristics. The study’s findings indicate that conspiracy rhetoric was more common and intense during Wilders' outsider position in 2021, with a dominant theme of deliberate government malfunction and targeting the government and political establishment as the conspiring agents. In contrast, in the 2023 election period, when Wilders gained a mainstream status, the conspiracy rhetoric became less frequent and its content less intense, focusing on themes of migration and its associated threats. This shift suggests a strategic moderation of Wilders' rhetoric to position himself as a potential coalition and government partner. These findings contribute to the broader discussion on populism and conspiracy rhetoric by showing the shifts in this rhetoric are mainly based on the changing party status. As many populists are experiencing a mainstreaming shift all over the world, this study is highly relevant. Further research can build on the current study, by employing a similar analysis that compares two populists’ rhetoric and by analysing Wilders’ rhetoric once more during or after his time in government.Show less
As the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the...Show moreAs the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the European political debate since the 2015 migration crisis. A recent theme emerging in European migrant discourse concerns the preferential treatment politically and in popular thought of Ukrainian refugees over other asylum seekers, notably those from Syria and neighbouring countries in the 2015 crisis. This paper aims to research the impact of NGOs in political and popular attitudes to refugee reception. Using a most similar methodological approach, it qualitatively compares two cases of important migration inflows in France with varying political and popular responses to research the impact of NGO involvement in these variations. It aims to add to broader theoretical discussions on the impact of pluralism on democratic legitimacy and the role of NGOs in that relationship. It seeks to analyze whether normative claims from pluralist democratic theory on that role have empirical import.Show less
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This...Show moreForeign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This thesis investigates the relationship between political risk and FDI, using Tanzania's impending Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) venture as a case study. It assesses political violence risk, employing a qualitative approach to analyse prevailing literature and primary data from interviews with key stakeholders in a bid to identify what the obstacle to the economy transformative investment decision is. The research finds that while political violence is a genuine concern, other identifiable political risks take precedent and are attributable to the delay. These are notably risks of expropriation and transfer restrictions that require a legislative framework. Additionally, the paper offers primary data on the Tanzanian dimension of the Ansar al-Sunnah insurgency along the Swahili Coast, addressing a gap in the existing literature.Show less
This paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as...Show moreThis paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as well as people’s satisfaction with democracy. Using regression analyses, I show that both the polarisation and the fragmentation of the opposition are associated with a decline in people’s attitudes toward them. Furthermore, an increase in opposition polarisation is associated with a decline in citizens’ satisfaction with democracy, while the fragmentation of the opposition shows the opposite effect. Lastly, the opposition’s polarisation and fragmentation show no significant effect on the governing parties’ vote share. Overall, the results of this paper suggest that investigating the format of the opposition gives insides not only into the public perception of opposition parties but also into citizens’ satisfaction with democracy.Show less
