This study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically...Show moreThis study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically focus on the case of German defection and the NATO mission to Libya. Since the main theories of international cooperation lacked the focus on domestic factors, this study tests the role of five domestic factors. However, with respect to their relative influence, I argue that domestic constraints are influenced themselves by (historical) narratives and prominent political elites.Show less
Whether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the...Show moreWhether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the incompatibility of practical authority and autonomy. This thesis aims to refute this claim of state illegitimacy by building on and adjusting Raz’s revision of authority, as put forward in “Morality of Freedom” (1986), to show that practical authority can in fact be compatible with moral and personal autonomy. It is hoped that this thesis can show by an a priori argument that there can be forms of human community in which some men have the moral right to rule (legitimate practical authority) even if their realization is highly unlikely.Show less
This paper is to illuminate the social significance of positional goods and to assess the desirability of equality of these goods. I begin with a characterization of strict and moderate...Show moreThis paper is to illuminate the social significance of positional goods and to assess the desirability of equality of these goods. I begin with a characterization of strict and moderate egalitarianism and their implications about equality; and I discuss the leveling down principle as well as its objection. Further, I turn to the issue of positionality and non-positionality; define positional goods; clarify the distinction between positional goods with non-positional aspect and non-positional goods with positional aspect; and demonstrate what a notable case equality (and leveling down) of positional goods is in the field of political philosophy and economics. I then proceed to an elaborate discussion about the desirability of equality of positional goods. I conclude that equality of these goods is not desirable and defend this claim on three egalitarian grounds: (1) non-positionality; (2) social growth; and (3) fair competition.Show less
This paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided...Show moreThis paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided ideologically, the European Parliament. The modified power indices tend to reduce the voting power of party groups in extreme ideological positions, to the benefit of the median party group.Show less
In this thesis I have defended the claim that a state which is neutral about the different conceptions of the good in society, cannot guarantee the personal autonomy of its citizens.
This study aim at providing an answer to the core research question “What is the role of Twitter in the conduct of public diplomacy in The Netherlands?” On the basis of qualitative interviews with...Show moreThis study aim at providing an answer to the core research question “What is the role of Twitter in the conduct of public diplomacy in The Netherlands?” On the basis of qualitative interviews with foreign diplomats and experts on public diplomacy in The Netherlands, it was discovered that they use Twitter as a tool for providing the local communities with information about the advocated countries and their foreign policies. The foreign officials also employ Twitter to address certain members of the Dutch general public, attract their attention to specific topics and engage in discussions with them to enhance their perceptions of the represented states. The conducted content analysis of the Tweets posted by diplomats from the Embassy of Ecuador, the Embassy of Poland, the Embassy of Sweden, and the Embassy of the USA to the Netherlands also demonstrated that they post direct Tweets and personal messages concerning important topics to engage with the foreign publics. However, it is also found that only a small number of them use the language of the local community members, namely Dutch, to disseminate information about their foreign policies. Some of the interviewees explained that they translate only content that is relevant to the Dutch audiences in Dutch. Nevertheless, to engage in more debates with the local communities and enhance their understanding and image of the represented countries, it is recommended that foreign diplomats should provide all messages on Twitter in the language of the host state. Thus, they can use it as an effective tool for accomplishing their public diplomacy goals.Show less
Trust in political parties is declining and with it the relevance of parties, or so the de-alignment hypothesis claims. Using data from recent World Values Surveys, this paper provides evidence...Show moreTrust in political parties is declining and with it the relevance of parties, or so the de-alignment hypothesis claims. Using data from recent World Values Surveys, this paper provides evidence that the assumption is rather problematic. Longitudinal data shows that confidence is neither increasing nor declining but languishing at high levels. Additionally, cross-sectional data from the 2005-2008 WVS was analyzed using statistical tests at the individual and country level. The results demonstrate that one important factor increasing distrust is electoral disproportionality. Regime durability, interpersonal trust, and perceived democraticness reduce such sentiments. Corruption perception notably has no effect on individual respondents but decreases distrust on the national level. The results pose the question whether distrust is a reason for concern or just a phenomenon natural to representative democracy.Show less
Do we have a moral right to privacy? If so, what do we mean by it? Notions of privacy and the right thereof are highly contested issues in contemporary liberal philosophy. According to the greatest...Show moreDo we have a moral right to privacy? If so, what do we mean by it? Notions of privacy and the right thereof are highly contested issues in contemporary liberal philosophy. According to the greatest critic of privacy theory, Judith Thomson, there is no such thing as a fundamental right to privacy. Violations of privacy can be dealt with without reference to the right to privacy, she claims. This thesis provides arguments against her short-sided view on privacy, including arguments from William Parent. He advocates a minimalist conception of the right to privacy, centered around the notion of personal information. The modern conception of privacy, formulated in this thesis, continues on the work of Thomson and Parent, thereby refining some elements of Parent’s theory of informational privacy.Show less
The democratic legitimacy of Dutch municipalities has been under stress. Decreasing voter turnouts in municipal elections questions the democratic credentials of municipalities. Even council...Show moreThe democratic legitimacy of Dutch municipalities has been under stress. Decreasing voter turnouts in municipal elections questions the democratic credentials of municipalities. Even council members question the strength of the councils to hold their executives accountable. The perceived need to strengthen local democracies has also come forth by clearly separating the functions of the executive and the municipal council or by decentralising responsibilities to municipalities. This thesis is written to show if the council members are capable of holding the executive accountable. This is done by comparing different circumstances and how these affect the degree in which council members vote along the lines of coalition and opposition. Three cases were used for this, namely The Hague, Strijen and Zoeterwoude. The results show that council members show similar voting patters compared to Dutch members of parliament. While unanimous votes occur often, it can also be seen that local opposition parties are equally capable of holding the executive accountable compared to the national opposition parties.Show less
This thesis compares the use of frames in newspaper articles and parliamentary documents with regard to privacy related events. The objectives are to clarify framing dynamics between Dutch media...Show moreThis thesis compares the use of frames in newspaper articles and parliamentary documents with regard to privacy related events. The objectives are to clarify framing dynamics between Dutch media and parliament, as well as to answer privacy-issue specific questions with regard to framing. Based on two major events demarcating the research period – i.e., the 2001 World Trade Center attacks and Edward Snowden’s NSA revelations mid 2013 – it is hypothesized that the way state authorities are framed changes over time from ensuring security towards violating privacy. Furthermore it is hypothesized that changes in privacy frames correspond between similar events and differ between distinct clusters of events. Finally, the ‘who-follows-who question’ is treated by means of a ‘lead/lag’ model that compares framing overlap between newspaper articles and parliamentary documents. The data used to achieve both objectives are acquired by coding two Dutch national newspapers (Telegraaf and Volkskrant) and written questions from Dutch parliament for the period between January 1999 and March 2014. Researching this particular period enables to assess the expected dynamics between both arenas between above mentioned landslide events. The data suggest that the expected changes in the way state authorities are frames is absent. The ‘lead/lag model suggests that on average media are leading parliament with regard to framing privacy related events. The data furthermore suggests no over-time shift in influence from one arena to the other. Unfortunately, the lead/lag model, as well as the long-term frame dynamics, provides only rough indicators for answering the research questions and assessing the set hypotheses. Therefore, the provided insights are only tentative and ask for further research, so as to deepen understanding about privacy frames and framing dynamics between media and parliament even further.Show less
