Using the Schwartz’ value module of the European Social Survey, the development of value priority within the Netherlands was explored between 2002 and 2010, also the relation between value priority...Show moreUsing the Schwartz’ value module of the European Social Survey, the development of value priority within the Netherlands was explored between 2002 and 2010, also the relation between value priority and the attitude towards immigration was tested. The value priority within Dutch society proved to be fairly stable over time and underlined the assumptions of the current theory on human values. Unexpected was a decline in priority for values promoting Conservation and am increase in priority for values promoted by Openness to Change from 2002 on. This is attributed to events in 2001 and 2002, both in the Netherlands and abroad, which probably temporarily increased the importance of Conservation values. Also the development for the value priority of specific antecedents of individual value priority was assessed. In nearly all cases the development of the value priority followed the pattern of the general sample. The relation between the attitude on immigration and value priority proved to be constant in all rounds of the ESS, but appears to be different from earlier studies. The conflict line between values that support or oppose immigration is situated in the middle of the circular value model, dividing the Conservation higher order value type plus power and benevolence and the Openness to Change higher order value type plus achievement and universalism.Show less
This thesis argues that previous literature dealing with water scarcity conflicts and politics inside river basins misses out on important factors determining water scarcity. Hence, a political...Show moreThis thesis argues that previous literature dealing with water scarcity conflicts and politics inside river basins misses out on important factors determining water scarcity. Hence, a political geography and political ecology perspective is utilized in order to link international relations, political economy and geography. With this combination, concepts like food security, land-lease deals and their link with water scarcity are examined in order to illustrate that water scarcity is much more than water equity principles often found in transboundary river interaction between specific states. This thesis specifically focuses on the Nile Basin, most notably Egypt and Ethiopia in particular, and argues that many players from all over the world through investments and discursive practices interfere with Nile water allocation indirectly and obscurely. Hence, just hammering out a legal framework with Nile Basin riparians in not enough and should looked for in economic and discursive practices surrounding water scarcity.Show less
Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with...Show moreBallistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with Russia or China. There is another analogy: playing in the major league is awarding. Land-based and seabased missile defense each are attractive options, offering pros and cons to foreign policy makers, while military planners have to make tough decisions on how to allocate scarce defense resources in the face of austerity. A small or medium-sized state like the Netherlands has only a few policy options: emulate the policy of the hegemon, strive for national or European innovative solutions or (continue to) do nothing at all. Neoclassical realism holds that the state is not a black box in the anarchy of international relations, but that the foreign policy elite makes resource allocation decisions on the basis of its own perception of the external vulnerability of the state. State institutions, domestic influence groups and party politics in turn influence both threat perception and resource allocation. Resource allocation should ideally support the best foreign policy option to counter the perceived threat. Of course, external state actors, industrial and transnational organizations influence the foreign policy elite as well. Against this backdrop, the author uses the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism to research and describe the influence that domestic influence groups can exert on policy decisions regarding the Netherlands’ BMD capabilities. After a brief introduction into neoclassical realism, the external vulnerability is described in terms of the existing ballistic missile threat posed by Iran. The threat perception is approached form the eye of the beholder: regional actors, NATO as our primary security alliance and of course domestic actors. Then the primary BMD resources available to the Netherlands are described: operational capabilities, technological innovation and defense industrial base. External factors and domestic interest groups that affect resource allocation decisions, such as the international defense industry and national civic societal actors, are analyzed. The dominant foreign policy mantra that the Netherlands’ international reputation is at stake after incessant defense budget cuts and relinquishing our NATO commitments is also taken into account as a factor of influence. Finally, four adaptive strategies are researched as BMD policy options: blindly emulate US policy (with high investment costs), join European innovation policies (with high political and investment costs), do nothing (which eventually leads to a free rider status) or a mixed innovative emulation strategy (which attains foreign policy objectives appropriate for a small or medium power while at the same time promoting Dutch industrial interests). Research indicates that very few domestic actors actually oppose the Dutch role in BMD. The author concludes that the Netherlands cannot afford to lose its leading position in European BMD capabilities. Our reputation is firmly based on our Patriot capability, and for a long time we have punched above our weight. Our credibility is at risk – and maritime BMD is one of the very few niche capabilities that we hold as bargaining chip to promote our interests in international relations. The stakes are high – but so are the potential rewards.Show less
The European Union has become increasingly important in Dutch politics. The Dutch referendum on the Constitutional Treaty of 2005 marked a turning point, with a growing resistance to European...Show moreThe European Union has become increasingly important in Dutch politics. The Dutch referendum on the Constitutional Treaty of 2005 marked a turning point, with a growing resistance to European integration emerging. This study looks at the gap between Dutch MPs and Dutch voters in positions on European integration and finds that since the 2005 referendum the gap has all but closed.Show less
It is interesting to look at what kind of norm the Responsibility to Protect truly is and what the effect of the norm in practice truly is. In theory a norm that creates a responsibility for the...Show moreIt is interesting to look at what kind of norm the Responsibility to Protect truly is and what the effect of the norm in practice truly is. In theory a norm that creates a responsibility for the international community to act when gross human rights violations occur sounds perfect. But, is the norm as perfect in practice as it is on paper? Is the Responsibility to Protect norm specifically created as a political instrument for states to call on so they have grounds to surpass the concept of state sovereignty? In the case that the Responsibility to Protect norm can be seen as a political instrument, is this out of humanitarian reasons or out of political motives? What are the consequences of a norm like the Responsibility to Protect in practice? These questions make clear that I’m curious about the purpose and the use of the Responsibility to Protect norm and for that I will look at different case studies. In these cases the Responsibility to Protect norm will be tested on usefulness to stop the violation of human rights. In order to establish the usefulness of the Responsibility to Protect norm I use four cases. Two prior to the official establishment of the norm, the Kosovo and Chechnya case. And, two case studies after the establishment of the Responsibility to Protect norm in order to see why the international community did or did not use the norm in these human rights crisis. These cases are: Libya (2011) and Syria (2012). I know it is very early to use Libya and Syria as case studies but they are already until this point in history very important to make my argument. In these cases the international community is involved in one way or another, but not always in the way intended by the Responsibility to Protect norm. This makes it interesting to see whether or not the Responsibility to Protect norm is just another hollow norm on paper, without any real effect in practice.Show less
This Thesis is a defense for Compulsory Voting. I the light of reasonable pluralism, societies need a moral compromise. In order to faccilitate the forming of a moral compromise widespread...Show moreThis Thesis is a defense for Compulsory Voting. I the light of reasonable pluralism, societies need a moral compromise. In order to faccilitate the forming of a moral compromise widespread political participation is necessary. Compulsory voting faccilitates participation and is thus justifiable.Show less
This thesis examines the 2011 intervention in Libya, focusing on the distinct influences of the national, regional and international levels of governance on the decision-making process. Although...Show moreThis thesis examines the 2011 intervention in Libya, focusing on the distinct influences of the national, regional and international levels of governance on the decision-making process. Although the locus of power in decision-making still resides mainly within the permanent members of the Security Council, a substantial role is reserved for regional organizations in their role as gatekeepers and policy catalysts. The article questions the generally accepted notion that the intervention should be viewed as a success for the Responsibility to Protect. Although the intervention and resolutions on Libya can be seen as a triumph for the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, the actors involved still vary widely in their commitment to the doctrine, which is clearly seen in the way the Libyan no-fly zone was prepared, implemented and subsequently evaluated. Finally, the article relates the Libyan intervention to the current stalemate concerning the humanitarian crisis in Syria, in which it plays a crucial role, especially through the critical way Libya was evaluated in Russia and China.Show less
This thesis is about one of the basic concepts of International Relations, a highly valued theory that has been used to explain multiple cases in world history: the security dilemma. The originally...Show moreThis thesis is about one of the basic concepts of International Relations, a highly valued theory that has been used to explain multiple cases in world history: the security dilemma. The originally interstate concept was intended to explain those conflicts where states were involuntarily drawn to conflict. Not only has the security dilemma been applied to interstate conflict as it was originally intended, there is also a sizable literature available on the security dilemma applied to ethnic conflict. But in order to account for ethnic conflict the security dilemma has been stretched and a while authors like Posen, Kaufman, Melander and Roe assert that the conflict in Croatia and the former Yugoslavia was a consequence of the security dilemma. This thesis will illustrate the opposite, showing that the security dilemma neglects and fails to account for essential processes that have contributed to and even caused the ethnic violence in Croatia in 1991. The revisiting of the case study of the ethnic conflict between the Serbs and Croats in Croatia will serve to lay the foundations for the broader theoretical claim that the security dilemma cannot be successfully applied to intra-state conflict.Show less
In this thesis the behaviour of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) of the Dutch Freedom Party is examined. The research question is: How can the behaviour of the MEPs of the Dutch...Show moreIn this thesis the behaviour of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) of the Dutch Freedom Party is examined. The research question is: How can the behaviour of the MEPs of the Dutch Freedom Party be characterized? The behaviour of the MEPs of the Freedom Party is researched through the use of role theory. There are many different typologies concerning the roles of members of national parliaments, MEPs and eurosceptic MEPs which are discussed in this thesis. It is then researched which of these roles are applicable to the behaviour of the MEPs of the Freedom Party. The parliamentary activities (written questions, motions for resolutions, speeches in the plenary, attendance to plenary) of the MEPs of the Freedom Party are covered and two MEPs (Barry Madlener and Auke Zijlstra) of the Freedom Party were asked a number of questions about their behaviour in the European Parliament.Show less
The purpose of this study was to shed light on the relationship between regimes with a strong personalist dimension and a negative post-tenure fate. This was a relevant exercise, because the...Show moreThe purpose of this study was to shed light on the relationship between regimes with a strong personalist dimension and a negative post-tenure fate. This was a relevant exercise, because the personalist dimension was missing in existing frameworks addressing post-tenure fates of authoritarian leaders and elites. Based on available literature, this personalist dimension was hypothesized to be a strong indicator for a negative post-tenure fate. In this thesis this hypothesis is substantiated and found to be statistically significant through merging of the Archigos data-set on regime leaders and Geddes’ (1999) typology of authoritarian regimes. The relationship is then further explored through analysis of two similar cases, Libya and Tunisia. Based on this analysis it was possible to draw several plausible hypotheses regarding the relationship, which provide an interesting starting point for future research. All in all, it is clearly shown that the conditions that come with a strong personalist dimension can be expected to have a strong negative influence on the post-tenure fate of the regime leadership.Show less
This thesis tests the RAS model created by John Zaller. By using the Dutch Parliamentary Election Study from 1998 to 2003, the observed change in public opinion of Dutch voters towards non western...Show moreThis thesis tests the RAS model created by John Zaller. By using the Dutch Parliamentary Election Study from 1998 to 2003, the observed change in public opinion of Dutch voters towards non western immigrants is tested. Results include the inability to explain the changes in public opinion according to the RAS model. However, key variables such as political knowledge and political predispositions prove to be significant explanatory variables in this case.Show less