This thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems,...Show moreThis thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems, examining whether a radical right government leads to an increase in legislative proposals that target the disempowerment of constitutional courts. Therefore, my hypothesis is that the number of legislative bills aiming to overcome the autonomy of constitutional courts is higher under populist radical right governments than under non-radical ones. I employ a mixed-method approach, starting with four longitudinal quantitative research and then applying in-depth analyses conducted in Brazil, El Salvador, the Philippines, and the United States to compare instances of radical right governance with those of previous non-radical coalitions in each country. The results generally support the hypothesis, except for a notable deviant case observed in the United States.Show less
This paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the...Show moreThis paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the conceptual framework of neo-feudalism, focusing on economic elites, attempts to build on previous literature providing an alternative explanation for UK policy being non-compliant with international laws on refugee rights. The methodology engages process tracing to investigate the mechanism behind the phenomena. Data found posits that economic elites influence policy in the UK due to the landscape of neo-liberal, market-orientated governance. Furthermore, due to this type of governance, and culture of securitisation, the immigration industry profits immensely from harsher border and asylum regulation. Economic elites thus have motivations in wanting to perpetuate and further policies that are noncompliant with international law to increase profits. Furthermore, data suggests that there are potential political motivations towards a more anti-immigrant stance due to increasingly close ties between economic elites and political parties. Overall, this potentially leads to profound and far-reaching consequences for, global governance, human rights, and democracy. Not only do economic elites wielding disproportionate power in government undermine democracy, but they could also contribute to the erosion of international legal norms, governmental effectiveness, and credibility. The implied possible exacerbation of global inequality and injustice requires further exploration.Show less
Due to their limited relative power and material capabilities, neorealism posits that weaker states can either pursue a balancing or bandwagoning strategy against the revisionist power threat....Show moreDue to their limited relative power and material capabilities, neorealism posits that weaker states can either pursue a balancing or bandwagoning strategy against the revisionist power threat. However, Southeast Asian states are not behaving as the neorealist expectations suggest. Instead, hedging explains why these smaller states opt for middle-ground strategies, but this framework fails to account for sudden shifts in foreign policy. Consequently, there is still no clear consensus on what explains varying foreign policy behaviour in weaker Southeast Asian states under similar systemic pressures from US-China competition. To fill this gap, this thesis seeks to answer the research question: ‘How do domestic political factors contribute to a change in a weaker state’s foreign policy strategy toward competing great powers?’ The thesis approaches this question by using Schweller’s (2006) neoclassical realist theory of underbalancing behaviour which provides a model of four intervening domestic-level factors to explain strategic changes. The four domestic-level factors: elite consensus, elite cohesion, societal cohesion, and government vulnerability are applied to a single case study of the Philippines under President Duterte and analysed through archival analysis and process tracing. The analysis demonstrates that the four domestic political factors had influenced the Philippines’ decision to restrengthen their US alliance and distance themselves from further alignment with China to an extent. It further found government vulnerability and social cohesion to be the most significant explanatory factors. These findings contribute to a better understanding of weaker state foreign policy behaviour amid great power rivalry and underlines the importance of a domestic-level analysis.Show less
Ever since the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, China has been amassing foreign exchange reserves. Since 2007 it has been strategically deploying these reserves internationally to buy foreign assets...Show moreEver since the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, China has been amassing foreign exchange reserves. Since 2007 it has been strategically deploying these reserves internationally to buy foreign assets using so-called Sovereign Leveraged Funds. Some scholars claim most of these investments were not part of a well-defined grand strategy, but a crisis-induced necessity. Others claim it was part of a grand strategy. There is, however, a consensus on both sides that the Silk Road Fund indeed has a strategic goal, but theoretical justification for this consensus is lacking. Using the case of the investment in the Port of Rotterdam, which is part of the Silk Road Fund, I research whether the leveraging of foreign exchange reserves can be explained by combining the theories of economic statecraft and geoeconomics in order to address implications that can be drawn from this. The findings indicate that the Chinese state is hiding behind commercial actors, and simultaneously aligning the commercial and strategic interests to gain strategic power internationally, aided using the leveraging of foreign exchange reserves.Show less
The effects of climate change are becoming visible throughout the world and with it the call for more environmental policies inspired by ecocentrism, a philosophy that attributes intrinsic moral...Show moreThe effects of climate change are becoming visible throughout the world and with it the call for more environmental policies inspired by ecocentrism, a philosophy that attributes intrinsic moral value to nature. One such policy is the Rights of Nature (RoN), which has already been implemented in several countries like Ecuador, Bolivia, and New Zealand. The popularity of the RoN movement is growing but critical evaluations of the policy and implementation are scarce. This thesis aims to close that gap by evaluating the RoN from an ecofeminist perspective. I argue that the RoN’s use of gendered language perpetuates stereotypes of both women and nature and that the way the RoN is implemented now is just a continuation of the liberal Western system instead of the radical change it aims to be. I then apply the three ecofeminist philosophical principles of Phillips (2020) to the RoN and argue that though they help make the RoN more inclusive, they cannot induce radical change as long as they are implemented into a system that is built on the exploitation of both nature and women. Ecofeminism urges us to dismantle this system and base our policies on principles like empathy, care, and love.Show less
As the need to repatriate Islamic State foreign fighters (FFs) becomes increasingly pressing following the collapse of the organisation in 2019, European states largely remain reluctant despite...Show moreAs the need to repatriate Islamic State foreign fighters (FFs) becomes increasingly pressing following the collapse of the organisation in 2019, European states largely remain reluctant despite recommendations from academics, NGOs, and international bodies. None more so than the UK, which has enforced entry bans and citizenship deprivations for their FFs, a concerning development from one of the top three European countries that produced FFs (van Ginkel & Entenmann, 2016). Through the lens of securitisation theory, this study aims to shed light on how FFs have been securitised by analysing British parliamentary discourse on Shamima Begum, whose citizenship deprivation case remains a major topic in public debate due to her consequent statelessness. Two competing frames emerge: 1) the securitising ‘National Security’ frame; and 2) the counter-securitising ‘British Democracy’ frame. Although actors compete over what the real threat to Britain is, Begum or the government’s policy approach, I argue that they both ultimately invoke the same Orientalist identities of the savage Muslim ‘Other’ against civilised British society, building on narratives of the ‘enemy within’ that historically subjected the Muslim community to increased scrutiny and stigmatisation.Show less
This thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis...Show moreThis thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis assumes that regions are not fixed but rather constituted and constructed through ideational factors. As such, BRICS is considered a ‘virtual region’. The aim of this thesis is to explain the process through which a collective identity paved the way for cooperation among the countries. The analysis shows that the BRICS identity is rooted in the longer-standing narrative about the Global South. The shared identity facilitated the alignment of their interests. Despite some variation, a development-multipolarity discourse is identified. The countries not only seek economic development within BRICS and the Global South, but also a greater voice in global governance. The creation of a collective identity and the alignment of interests paved the way for BRICS to emerge as virtual region, embedded in the Global South narrative.Show less
Literature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on...Show moreLiterature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on proportional systems in Western Europe, with a case study of the Netherlands. The Netherlands was chosen because of its proportional system and high electoral volatility and effective number of electoral parties compared to other Western European countries. This allows the effects of campaign spending to be more apparent relative to other Western European countries (Bekkouche et al., 2022; McAllister, 2002). This thesis focuses on campaign spending by Dutch political parties during national elections from 1998 to 2021. The results section indicates that higher campaign spending by political parties results in greater electoral gain compared to the polls two months before election day. Additionally, this thesis provides indications that campaign spending has a differentiated effect depending on the size of the party. However, it is important to interpret these findings with caution due to data collection limitations.Show less
As part of the ongoing debate on freedom of expression, this thesis addresses the tension between media freedom and the harms that result from pejorative media narratives of refugees. The debate...Show moreAs part of the ongoing debate on freedom of expression, this thesis addresses the tension between media freedom and the harms that result from pejorative media narratives of refugees. The debate often focuses on speech types that can be linked to more apparent harms, such as hate speech. Pejorative media narratives are often overlooked in discussions about freedom of expression because they lack an explicit intention to promote harm and their effects are not immediately visible. With the influence of the media growing continuously, however, it is becoming increasingly important to consider the ethical boundaries of pejorative media narratives. This thesis explores the question: On what grounds, if any, can limits on media freedom of expression be justified? By taking an egalitarian approach, I contend that a commitment to the moral equality of individuals warrants limiting media freedom of expression in cases where equal moral status is undermined. Because pejorative media narratives of refugees perpetuate structural harms that infringe on their equal moral worth, certain limits are warranted. Considering the costs of limitation, I conclude that media organizations should self-regulate by implementing ethical guidelines for reporting on refugees.Show less
Election manifestos hold a significant place in modern politics and political science, providing structure to electoral campaigns, coalition building, and policy formulation. Yet, there is still a...Show moreElection manifestos hold a significant place in modern politics and political science, providing structure to electoral campaigns, coalition building, and policy formulation. Yet, there is still a lack of understanding on the intra-party writing process of these documents. Drawing on original interviews with manifesto committee members from four different Dutch parties spanning three decades, this exploratory research offers insights into the intra-party dynamics concerning the writing process. This study, employing qualitative methods, examines the interplay among various party layers and the evolving dynamics of the writing process. Contrary to the theoretical expectation that disintermediation of party organizations has led to the decline in influence of parties’ intermediaries on the content of election manifestos, the findings indicate a persistence of the intermediate party layer, while unorganized members are gaining influence on the manifesto writing process, and the leadership remains a central actor in the process. The conclusion is that intra-party democratization in the Dutch case does not lead to a plebiscitarian form of manifesto writing.Show less
In deze thesis staat de vraag centraal wat het relatieve belang is van de factoren geslacht, leeftijd, ervaring, partijervaring, het lokale karakter van de partij en de noodzakelijkheid van de...Show moreIn deze thesis staat de vraag centraal wat het relatieve belang is van de factoren geslacht, leeftijd, ervaring, partijervaring, het lokale karakter van de partij en de noodzakelijkheid van de partij voor een coalitiemeerderheid op de kans op voortijdig aftreden van wethouders om politieke redenen. Door middel van een logistische regressieanalyse is per variabele berekend wat de kans is dat wethouders wegens politieke redenen voortijdig besluiten af te treden. Uit de resultaten van deze analyse is gebleken dat de factor leeftijd als enige een significant effect had, waarbij een hogere leeftijd een hoger risico geeft op het voortijdig stoppen van wethouders. De overig geanalyseerde factoren hadden geen significant effect. Uit deze thesis kan geconcludeerd worden dat leeftijd een relevante factor is voor het voortijdig stoppen van wethouders. Ten tweede blijkt uit deze thesis dat er meer onderzoek moet worden gedaan naar verklaringen voor het voortijdig stoppen van wethouders wegens politieke redenen. Een voorstel is om deze verklaringen te zoeken in de ideologische verschillen tussen coalitiepartners.Show less
This research focused on analysing the behaviour of ethnic leaders in autocratic ethnofederal regimes during changing economic situations of economic growth and contraction and in changing...Show moreThis research focused on analysing the behaviour of ethnic leaders in autocratic ethnofederal regimes during changing economic situations of economic growth and contraction and in changing political landscape of democratization and autocratization. More specifically, the focus was on the Russian Federation and its two ethnic republics: Republic Sakha and the Republic of Chuvashia. The cases were picked to represent a wealthy and a poor region of Russia. The analysis was conducted through qualitative content analysis of primary sourced speeches and secondary sourced interpretations of speeches given by ethnic elites such as heads of the republic, other political figures, or important business elites. The analysis was organized into two periods of democratization 1997-2000 and autocratization 2008-2011, and 4 sub-periods: 1997-1998 and 2008-2009 (economic contraction periods), and 1999-2000 and 2010-2011 (economic growth periods). The results found that Sakha as the wealthier republic is generally more secessionist during periods of economic contraction during both democratization and autocratization. Support was also found for the expectation that ethnic elites will prove more secessionist during democratization periods.Show less
This thesis explores the impact of public opinion on the establishment of deradicalization programs for returning foreign fighters. The issue of returning foreign fighters has become increasingly...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of public opinion on the establishment of deradicalization programs for returning foreign fighters. The issue of returning foreign fighters has become increasingly relevant in recent years and governments worldwide have been struggling to reintegrate them back into society. By implementing a bottom-up approach to deradicalization initiatives, this thesis contributes to the body of literature on counterterrorism and sheds light on the potential influence of public opinion on the implementation of deradicalization programs. Agency theory, which forms the foundation of the study, contends that there will be a weak implementation when public opinion is against a deradicalization program, but the government is in favor of it. To test this theory and the causal mechanism suggested, this thesis studies France as the case using a qualitative method that incorporates process tracing and discourse analysis. The thesis’ findings support the claim that when the government is in favor of deradicalization programs, but the public is not, the programs will be weakly implemented with a high likelihood of failure.Show less
