Ever since the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, China has been amassing foreign exchange reserves. Since 2007 it has been strategically deploying these reserves internationally to buy foreign assets...Show moreEver since the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, China has been amassing foreign exchange reserves. Since 2007 it has been strategically deploying these reserves internationally to buy foreign assets using so-called Sovereign Leveraged Funds. Some scholars claim most of these investments were not part of a well-defined grand strategy, but a crisis-induced necessity. Others claim it was part of a grand strategy. There is, however, a consensus on both sides that the Silk Road Fund indeed has a strategic goal, but theoretical justification for this consensus is lacking. Using the case of the investment in the Port of Rotterdam, which is part of the Silk Road Fund, I research whether the leveraging of foreign exchange reserves can be explained by combining the theories of economic statecraft and geoeconomics in order to address implications that can be drawn from this. The findings indicate that the Chinese state is hiding behind commercial actors, and simultaneously aligning the commercial and strategic interests to gain strategic power internationally, aided using the leveraging of foreign exchange reserves.Show less
Scholars tend to agree that moderation of radical groups stems from inclusionary tactics in the democratic process. However, there is evidence that counterinsurgency measures and exclusion could...Show moreScholars tend to agree that moderation of radical groups stems from inclusionary tactics in the democratic process. However, there is evidence that counterinsurgency measures and exclusion could also facilitate moderation. Therefore, this paper asks: ‘How do foreign counterinsurgency measures facilitate moderation of radical groups?’ The case study of the Lebanese Islamist group Hizballah, the Party of God, will be used to test the theory on collective angst, fear, and survival concerns resulting from counterinsurgency measures. Through a qualitative approach of applying process tracing to primary and secondary sources, this paper finds support for the argument that collective angst as a result of foreign counterinsurgency results in radical groups moderating their ideology.Show less
Migration ethics has its strongest implications on the particularly vulnerable population of undocumented migrants. In philosophy, decolonial conceptions of migration ethics have surfaced as a...Show moreMigration ethics has its strongest implications on the particularly vulnerable population of undocumented migrants. In philosophy, decolonial conceptions of migration ethics have surfaced as a counterargument to the hegemonic canon of migration ethics, with the latter approaches focusing on the extent of a state’s right to regulate its borders and the former approaches undermining this state right to exclusion in order to uplift the rights of the migrant. In legal practice, the theory of the Strasbourg reversal argues that the ECtHR, the judicial human rights body representing the European states of the Global North, has an inclination to side with the state in its rulings, whilst the IACHR, the human rights court representing the Latin American states of the Global South, has a pro-homine bias. This study conducted a discourse analysis of a legal ruling from each court pertaining to undocumented migrants to explore the extent that decision-making in verdicts towards undocumented migrants is influenced by coloniality in migration ethics, through either a hegemonic or decolonial conception of migration ethics. The results show that the ECtHR is influenced by the hegemonic discourse and the IACHR is influenced by the decolonial discourse, although there remains room for even more decolonial radicality.Show less
The purpose of this study was to explore how the local context of host countries shapes the provision of education to refugees. To achieve this aim, a comparative case study of Syrian refugee...Show moreThe purpose of this study was to explore how the local context of host countries shapes the provision of education to refugees. To achieve this aim, a comparative case study of Syrian refugee education in host countries Lebanon and Jordan was undertaken. Resting on the theoretical argument that context inherently matters for outcomes, it was expected that contextual differences between Jordan and Lebanon will have created differences in education for refugee children. Interviews were conducted with experts that have worked at various organizations in either context, in order to corroborate data from document research published by the governments, NGOs, or international organizations. An analysis of these diverse sources produced five contextual factors – political context, economic context, encampment policy, family practices, and cultural proximity – that provide an answer to this study’s research question and further endorse the notion that context inherently matters, and that ‘good practice’ for refugee education is highly contextual. In light of the contextual differences found, and their unique effects on refugee education, it can be said that Jordan and Lebanon should not be grouped together as hastefully as is done by existing scholarship, but should each be treated in their own right instead.Show less
How do populist political achievements impact political party discourse on the issue of immigration? The twenty-first century has seen the rise of populist parties and their countless political...Show moreHow do populist political achievements impact political party discourse on the issue of immigration? The twenty-first century has seen the rise of populist parties and their countless political successes across Europe. Despite this resurging phenomenon, few studies have directly focused on the relationship between these populist party victories and the discourse of traditional party politics. This study conducted a content analysis of the manifestos, speeches, and statements from the Labour and Conservative parties in the United Kingdom. It explored whether the populist victory of Brexit changed the way mainstream parties discussed the topic of immigration. Utilising group threat and framing theory as the basis for the theoretical framework, the results show that following the Brexit referendum both the Conservative and Labour party’s saw a decrease in anti-immigrant sentiments in their political discourse which was reflected in their political frames.Show less
Based on the theory of strategic silence, this paper analyzes the mobilization of social movements in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, following 2022 presidential elections and the unexpected silence of...Show moreBased on the theory of strategic silence, this paper analyzes the mobilization of social movements in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, following 2022 presidential elections and the unexpected silence of President Bolsonaro about his loss. The objective of this paper is to understand the degree to which silence influence collective mobilization. By drawing on social movements theory and political strategic silence theory, this paper creates a theoretical model to test the effects of silence, thus challenging a long existing notion that the effects of silence cannot be studied due to the difficulty in establishing casual links. A qualitative case study allied with semi-structured interviews of 8 protest leaders are used to test the theoretical model and understand the extent to which Bolsonaro’s silence played a part in their decision to mobilize. This paper finds that political strategic silence may increase the likelihood of mobilization when political opportunity, perceived threats and framing are also present.Show less
Why do some rebel groups engage in inclusive forms of rebel governance by including local citizens in political decision-making processes whereas other groups rule more independently and focus on...Show moreWhy do some rebel groups engage in inclusive forms of rebel governance by including local citizens in political decision-making processes whereas other groups rule more independently and focus on little more than security and funding their rebellion? I argue that the level of inclusiveness of civilians in rebel governance depends on the group’s reliance on lootable natural resources. Rebel groups that rely on these resources are less dependent on the civilian population for support and therefore less likely to include them in the governing process. To test this hypothesis, I combine newly available quantitative data on rebel governance with existing data on the presence of natural resources. In doing so, I attempt to bridge the fields of natural resources and rebel governance. The analysis finds no support for the hypothesis, lootable natural resources show to have a positive influence on the level of rebel governance inclusiveness. The findings have implications for both academics and policy makers.Show less
Liberal democracies are under immense pressure. Apart from threatening exterior forces, it seems that interior forces are rising and increasingly threatening democracy from inside out. Public...Show moreLiberal democracies are under immense pressure. Apart from threatening exterior forces, it seems that interior forces are rising and increasingly threatening democracy from inside out. Public officials are receiving more threats than ever and even parliaments are attacked. Within public and academic debate, the question rises how to react. Scholars are referring and reacting to the theory of ‘militant democracy’, a democracy which allows for suspension of political rights, albeit under certain conditions. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the self-limiting theory of militant democracy by Kirshner (2014) as one of the most prominent recent academic accounts to the theory of militant democracy. What makes the theory notable, is that his work aims to offer a framework for liberal democracies on when and how to react to so-called ‘antidemocrats’. This thesis provides for a concrete definition of the term antidemocrat, links the three principles of Kirshner’s self-limiting theory of militant democracy with basic liberal principles, critically evaluates each of the principles and, where needed, expands or adjusts them, and expands the theory by adding a fourth principle.Show less
The norm against genocide is at least as old as the term itself (Lemkin 1944). Yet for all the rhetoric and resolutions, genocide persists, often with impunity, and even without condemnation. This...Show moreThe norm against genocide is at least as old as the term itself (Lemkin 1944). Yet for all the rhetoric and resolutions, genocide persists, often with impunity, and even without condemnation. This study focuses explicitly on why some genocides elicit more international condemnation than others. Specifically, it analyses the reactions of the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation [OIC] to the ongoing genocides of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar and the Uyghur minority in China. While the OIC has unconditionally condemned the former, it has been silent concerning the latter. Exploring this discrepancy, I qualifiedly endorse the realist/rational choice explanation: where the costs of condemnation are high, states and organisations are less inclined to act on the norm against genocide. However, as the case of Turkey and its support for the Uyghurs suggests, this is not a complete explanation. Thus, I contend that the identity-motivation of ethnic solidarity represents a stronger, more robust counterweight to the realist pressures of economics and security, thus increasing the likelihood of condemnation.Show less
In a world where authoritarian regimes have become increasingly pervasive, digital surveillance has become a primary tool for maintaining control over citizens. Despite the public's awareness of...Show moreIn a world where authoritarian regimes have become increasingly pervasive, digital surveillance has become a primary tool for maintaining control over citizens. Despite the public's awareness of digital surveillance and its potential to limit freedom of expression and assembly, citizens of authoritarian regimes continue to organize and participate in public demonstrations in order to express their grievances. This paper therefore examines the extent to which digital surveillance influences citizens’ participation in public protests in authoritarian regimes, and how citizens cope with the limits imposed by such technologies. Combining existing scholarship with an examination of the case of China and the development of its ‘Golden Shield’, this study contends that digital surveillance succeeds in reducing public participation in demonstrations through creating a ‘chilling effect’ and causing widespread fear of physical retribution. It finds that citizens make use of a variety of strategies to mitigate the risk of digital surveillance through employing creative methods of censorship circumvention and evasion, although the longevity of such methods remains unclear. Process tracing is used to evaluate the key causal mechanisms associated with the developed “Digital Panopticon” theory. The paper concludes by discussing the wider socio-political implications of the findings.Show less
This study contends for a social-psychological lens to understand why some feminist movements resort to violence. Literature from feminist peace studies has argued that women are most likely to be...Show moreThis study contends for a social-psychological lens to understand why some feminist movements resort to violence. Literature from feminist peace studies has argued that women are most likely to be peaceful, and scholarship in criminology suggests women are more likely to choose nonviolent coping behaviors. A large body of social movement literature has argued for rationalist approach to understanding the choice to utilize violence vis-a-vis nonviolence as a method of resistance. However, literature within the field of political science has not entirely explored underlying individual-level behaviors to explain why women within a feminist movement utilize violence as a method of resistance. Thus, introducing the research question: Why do some feminist movements resort to violence? Cases of feminist movements increasingly utilizing violence is puzzling because it contradicts arguments made by rationalist studies and feminist peace studies. I apply Robert Agnew’s General Strain Theory and argue that some feminist movements resort to violence because of a highly negative perception of the lack of governmental support to address a grievance in gender inequality, which generates negative emotions of anger and frustration that then leads to the likelihood of utilizing violent methods of resistance. I evaluate the argument using qualitative research in the single-case study of the Ni Una Menos (NUM) Movement in México. This study process traces data from semi-structured online interviews to analyze the causal mechanism of negative emotions through language utilized by activists of NUM to answer the research question.Show less
This paper moves beyond the democratization paradigm in studying post-communist political developments, and investigates how competitive elections affected ethnonationalism in Ukraine’s ethnically...Show moreThis paper moves beyond the democratization paradigm in studying post-communist political developments, and investigates how competitive elections affected ethnonationalism in Ukraine’s ethnically plural society (1991-2022). Based on Rabushka’s and Shepsle’s (1972) ethnic outbidding model, this paper hypothesizes that competitive elections incentivize candidates to use ethnonationalist appeals to maximally mobilize electoral support, which fuels centrifugal competition and ethnic polarization. This study has found that ethnolinguistic affiliations did structure electoral behavior in Ukraine. Most presidential election campaigns confirmed expectations based on the outbidding model. However, a comparison of the 2010 and 2004 elections challenges the outbidding theory, as the 2010 election campaign featured centripetal competition for the median voter. The existence of median voters amidst politicized ethnic divisions contradicts the outbidding model’s core assumption that middle-grounds between ethnic groups do not exist. Many voters, particularly among Russian-speaking ethnic Ukrainians, did find themselves in-between two ethnic groups, making centripetal competition not only possible, but even a rational election-winning strategy. Furthermore, contrarily to the rational-choice-based outbidding theory, political elites were able to learn from prior mistakes and became better at co-existing peacefully over time, despite fierce electoral competition. However, without candidates’ commitment not to let competition escalate, centrifugal competition is always around the corner.Show less
