The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the discussion about the grounds for the right to citizenship and to whom this applies. The focus here is on the postcolonial migrant, for this is the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to contribute to the discussion about the grounds for the right to citizenship and to whom this applies. The focus here is on the postcolonial migrant, for this is the logical first step in acknowledging differences and inequalities within societies. Through analyzing the relationship between the postcolonial migrant and the former ruling nation I claim that the postcolonial migrant has a legitimate moral claim to citizenship in the former colonizing nation, the ‘motherland’. The legitimacy of this claim stems from grievances, an intertwined relationship and gratitude. Which together form the base of a new ground for the right to citizenship, which I propose to call jus paribus. This right to citizenship is a dormant right which should be given to first- and second-generation postcolonial migrants. By granting these generations a path to citizenship former colonizing nations can begin repaying their historical wrongs.Show less
While human trafficking is a major issue in every part of the European Union (EU), one Member State – the Netherlands – experiences trafficking rates which surpass those of its fellow EU Members....Show moreWhile human trafficking is a major issue in every part of the European Union (EU), one Member State – the Netherlands – experiences trafficking rates which surpass those of its fellow EU Members. In 2011, the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive was created with the overall intention of standardizing and implementing measures across the EU to combat human trafficking. The following article aims to explain why the Netherlands maintains exceptionally high human trafficking rates compared to the remainder of EU Member States, even though it has officially signed on to this directive. I examine the situation from a compliance perspective to understand whether causes of non-compliance such as corruption, a lack of benefits associated with complying, or the failure of national regulations to align with international stipulations is responsible. I then see whether the legal status of prostitution impedes the effectiveness of the directive’s stipulations which are directly correlated with variance in human trafficking rates. The time period I focus on is 2000-2020, beginning with the Dutch legalization of prostitution and continuing until the year in which I conduct this study. Doing so allows me to focus on the most recent and relevant information. The overall argument this articles makes is that non-compliance with the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive is not the cause of the Netherlands’ inability to curb human trafficking rates, as the directive actually fails to achieve its desired results due to the legal status of prostitution interfering with its success. I rely on information gathered through a discourse analysis of published data from the European Commission, EU Parliament, news articles, and surveys, along with interviews with Dutch government officials who specialize in the fields of legalized prostitution, human trafficking, and policy development to support this conclusion.Show less
Political corruption is a more or less universal phenomenon, but occurs much more frequently in some places than in others. This variation has been attributed to a range of factors on which...Show morePolitical corruption is a more or less universal phenomenon, but occurs much more frequently in some places than in others. This variation has been attributed to a range of factors on which countries perform either poorly or well. Yet, political corruption also occurs in countries that seem to perform well on most known indicators. As this has been an object of little scholarly attention, it remains largely unclear how we can explain the occurrence of political corruption in ‘unlikely places’; countries where such corruption is theoretically least likely to occur. This study explores the contours of an explanation by investigating a particular case in-depth: the case of Jos van Rey. The results suggest four potential explanations, that range from conceptual issues to the possibility that political corruption in unlikely places is to some extent unique, and driven by a distinct set of factors.Show less
When the irregular immigrant crossings exceeded one million in 2015, new policy tools and institutional structures were enhanced in the EU. Especially after 2015, it is possible to see references...Show moreWhen the irregular immigrant crossings exceeded one million in 2015, new policy tools and institutional structures were enhanced in the EU. Especially after 2015, it is possible to see references to the security of the EU and its member states caused by the migration crisis. To observe, this thesis evaluated how the migration into the EU has been securitized in Eurojust discourse between 2010 and 2019. By taking the speech act of the Copenhagen School as the basis, critical discourse analysis is conducted by using documents/publications of Eurojust. As a result of the analysis, it is found that in the period of 2010 and 2014, securitization of migration is not discursively framed. However, after 2015, discourse on securitization of migration can be seen in the documents of Eurojust.Show less
War videogames support and reproduce neo-imperialist rhetoric and world views. Videogames, due to their interactive nature, differ from any other cultural product and allow the consumer (player) to...Show moreWar videogames support and reproduce neo-imperialist rhetoric and world views. Videogames, due to their interactive nature, differ from any other cultural product and allow the consumer (player) to actively participate in the embedded narratives present in any game. In the following thesis, interviews with members of the military have been carried out and five videogames have been considered in the analysis (America’s Army: Proving Grounds, Airman Challenge, Counter Strike: Global Offensive, Battlefield 3 and Arma 3). Through a Gramscian approach, benefiting from concepts such as hegemony and persuasion and the understanding of ideas as material forces, and the use of audiovisual methods, the research has explored the role of absence and impossibility in the reproduction of hegemonic worldviews in war videogames.Show less
After the Paris attacks on November 13th, 2015, the French government sought to implement counter-terrorism strategic communications amongst other counter-radicalization measures. These measures...Show moreAfter the Paris attacks on November 13th, 2015, the French government sought to implement counter-terrorism strategic communications amongst other counter-radicalization measures. These measures were focused on media-based campaigns, which included several social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and an educational website launched by the government: stop-dijhadisme.gouv.fr. This thesis focuses on one particular anti-jihadist media campaign called: #Toujourslechoix. The campaign was launched in November 2016 and although it is no longer being showcased across French educational institutions, till today the visual campaign is still used as a means to spread awareness and can easily be found on the government’s counter-radicalization website. Although the campaign received praise for reaching a large audience, the effectiveness of the campaign as an actual measure to combat radicalization remains contested. The debate surrounding counter-radicalization measures revolves around whether they are deemed effective, Islamophobic or simply ineffective, however scholars fail to address the reason as to why these measures, particularly these visual campaigns, are still being implemented. This thesis proposes to analyze the case study from the perspective of visual framing theory to answer the research question. This theory can successfully explain how social actors use visual frames to communicate certain messages. As such, this thesis argues that by using secondary frames the French government in fact always targets two audiences through two objectives: the first objective being that these visual campaigns should prevent a certain audience to radicalize and the second objective consists of the government also aiming to reassure the French population that the government is taking political action to combat Jihadism in France through these programs. The frames that the French government utilized serve the purpose of achieving these two aforementioned objectives. By using visual methods to analyze the two interactive governmental videos, this thesis will seek to reveal the first and second frames the government uses and will primarily highlight the secondary audience. This thesis concludes that although the primary target audience is the French Muslim community, visual indicators point towards the secondary audience being the non-Muslims of France, who have criticized the government for not implementing harsher counter-radicalization measures.Show less
This paper sets out to investigate how the invisibility of Roma manifests itself in the lived experience of college-educated non-Roma Hungarians. Paying particular attention to the phenomenon of...Show moreThis paper sets out to investigate how the invisibility of Roma manifests itself in the lived experience of college-educated non-Roma Hungarians. Paying particular attention to the phenomenon of everyday racism, audiovisual methods were utilized in order to answer the research question. Namely, this method was used to investigate microaggressions appearing through personal and vicarious stories told by the participants. The analysis of data revealed often missed aspects of microaggressions, namely those of non-verbal types. Studying these features provides additional insight into microaggressions which are important concepts for the understanding of everyday racism and prejudice in society.Show less
This thesis aims to explain why the de facto authorities of the non-recognised state of Transnistria use multiple strategies in their desire to achieve internal and external legitimacy by engaging...Show moreThis thesis aims to explain why the de facto authorities of the non-recognised state of Transnistria use multiple strategies in their desire to achieve internal and external legitimacy by engaging in nation-building and state-building. These strategies consist of one or more policies with a specific aim, and an argumentation of why the state, and by extension its regime, ought to be recognised. These arguments are remedial secession, historical statehood and earned sovereignty. Using Qualitative Content Analysis to analyse scholarly articles, government statements and local news outlets published between 1989 and 2019, I inductively build up a typology that distinguishes between four distinct strategies: strategies that aim to strengthen external legitimacy by appealing to the wishes of the international community, those that aim to strengthen internal legitimacy by appealing to the needs of the population, and those that aim to do both or neither. The typology also accounts for the prevalence of certain policies in one of the four distinguished periods of the de facto state’s existence. I provide three interconnecting explanations of why certain strategies prevail over others in different time periods. Firstly, strengthening internal and external legitimacy are different goals and therefore require a different strategy. Constrained by limited resources, the nation-builders have to prioritise these strategies. Secondly, ever-changing domestic and international geopolitical and socio-economic developments determine which policies and arguments will be effective. Lastly, strategies do not exist in isolation to each other, but are built upon by more refined arguments and renewed policies.Show less
The possibility of the emergence of a European demos sharing a ‘European identity’ is long debated in the social sciences. Now national identities have played a dominant role during recent European...Show moreThe possibility of the emergence of a European demos sharing a ‘European identity’ is long debated in the social sciences. Now national identities have played a dominant role during recent European crises, the emergence of and the entrance of the pan-European political movement Volt Europa into the European Parliament seemed unexpected. This study aims to answer the question of what makes a European identity, as expressed by the pan-European movement Volt, salient today in a way that it was not before, through the lens of a case study of Volt Nederland. Based on 17 semi-structured in depth interviews and attending online Volt events, I argue that this European identity has become salient through ‘facilitative’ and ‘triggering’ factors. The two facilitative factors ‘increasing cross-border interactions’ and the ‘institutionalization of universal norms and values’ having set the conditions for the triggering factors ‘increasing salience of transnational challenges’; ‘shifting geopolitical dynamics’; and ‘increasing visibility of exclusive European and national identities through the migration crisis and Brexit’ to activate Volters to give shape to their strategically and unconsciously developed European identities. My findings add to political science literature exposing reasons for European identity salience, a topic that remains underexplored and continuously developing.Show less
This thesis explores collective action problems in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-Soviet era. Collective action theory does not have plain explanations for the fact that...Show moreThis thesis explores collective action problems in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-Soviet era. Collective action theory does not have plain explanations for the fact that NATO is still operating. As long as member states invest in the alliance in terms of financial contributions and by participating in operations, NATO is likely to persist. By focusing on the case of the Netherlands, the study addresses a state’s incentives for contributing to NATO-led out-of-area operations. More specifically, this thesis has selected Kosovo Force, Resolute Support, and NATO Mission Iraq to analyze why the Netherlands has participated in NATO missions. Through a content analysis of letters in which the government justifies its decision for participating in these missions, the study can collect, categorize, and interpret the arguments of the Dutch government. Following the theories of institutionalism and constructivism, this research argues that the Netherlands has contributed to NATO-led out-of-area operations because it strived to sustain the institutional assets of NATO and to promote liberal-democratic values.Show less
The United Nations in 2015 adopted the Paris agreement. This agreement called on actors (i.e. national governments, international organisations, regional organisations, businesses, and local...Show moreThe United Nations in 2015 adopted the Paris agreement. This agreement called on actors (i.e. national governments, international organisations, regional organisations, businesses, and local governments or municipalities (cities, towns and villages)) to take collective action in the fight against climate change. However, collective action at the national, international, and regional levels has proven difficult. Because countries leaders cannot come to an agreement on how to go about solving the climate issue. In contrast, local governments or municipalities have proven to be valuable actor in the fight against climate change through collective action within their own territories and between municipalities. The Finnish town of Ii has proven to be very valuable in the fight against climate change. The town has reduced its CO2 emissions by 80%. Using the personal-interest theory and latent content analysis, I explored the personal interests factors that contributed to Ii’s decision to act collectively in order to take climate action. The findings showed that economic incentives, social incentives, and proenvironmental concerns were the driving personal interests that contributed to Ii collectively taking climate action.Show less
Since the 1990’s, non-traditional middle powers participation in peacekeeping has increase; however, it is notable that whilst Western European states have withdrawn significantly, they continue to...Show moreSince the 1990’s, non-traditional middle powers participation in peacekeeping has increase; however, it is notable that whilst Western European states have withdrawn significantly, they continue to provide for this public good. This paper asks why these state continue to participate in peacekeeping by investigating the behaviour of two Western European states, France and Switzerland, participating in a United Nations Peacekeeping Operation (UNPKO) in Mali. It applies a most-different comparative study theoretical framework provided by Bellamy and Williams with 3 rationales of state behaviour and examines this behaviour through the lens of public goods theory. These hypotheses are based on political/economic and security rationales and are used to examine three concepts: firstly, whether Western European states’ ability to achieve foreign policy goals is affected by participating in UNPKOs; secondly, the role of economic incentives in attracting Western European states to UNPKOs and, thirdly, whether enhancing global and national security and regional stability are motivations for Western-European states. A content analysis of the government’s position was undertaken using legislative reports and minutes; commission reports; and reports from the ministries of foreign affairs, economic affairs and defence. This analysis shows that both hypotheses are correct, with the security rationale being the more dominant of the two hypotheses. By comparing the motivations of two Western European states of different political, economic and security standing this thesis aims to advance the literature beyond that of non-traditional cases by establishing causal-mechanisms that could be used in future comparisons.Show less
