From 1991 and onwards, Ethiopia has gone through a political transition using ethnicity as the fundamental principle for organizing a federal government. The transition of this change ended in the...Show moreFrom 1991 and onwards, Ethiopia has gone through a political transition using ethnicity as the fundamental principle for organizing a federal government. The transition of this change ended in the newly elected government in August 1995. The country is divided into nine separate federal states based on ethnic identity. The change of the political structure of the country has been radical and pioneering. Radical, in the sense that Ethiopia used to be a centralized and unitary state. Pioneering, in the sense that it has gone further than any African state, and further than 'almost any other state worldwide' (Clapham 2002: 27) in using ethnicity as the principle for organizing the federal state system (Turton 2006: 1). This change was meant to mark a beginning for a more democratized society after decades of political suppression and authoritarianism. Thus, this radical and pioneering, yet fundamental change in the society was received with hopefulness of a better and more democratic tomorrow in Ethiopia. This thesis will look at how the Ethiopian quest for democratization has succeeded.Show less
Politics should be brought closer to the citizens and democracy will improve as a result. This is a widely shared opinion among Dutch political parties. Another widely shared opinion is that the...Show morePolitics should be brought closer to the citizens and democracy will improve as a result. This is a widely shared opinion among Dutch political parties. Another widely shared opinion is that the municipality is closest to the citizens. From these notions political parties draw the logical conclusion that decentralizing roles and powers to municipalities enhances democracy. Central in this thesis is the question whether the political parties are right and that from the perspective of democracy local politics are closest to the citizen indeed. Political parties differ in their interpretations of the word ‘closer’. By combining these interpretations with different perspectives on democracy I have identified three aspects by which the central research question can be investigated: representation, political involvement and responsiveness. On these three aspects I have compared local politics to national and provincial politics. For this comparison I have used evidence from existing surveys and inquiries and actual data. I have found little evidence that local politics are closer to the citizens than national politics. The Dutch Lower House is more representative than the average municipal council, except for the point of education. Citizens themselves believe national politics to be more important and they are more interested in national politics. National politics play a larger role in the municipal elections than local politcs do. The turnout in local elections is lower than in national elections. The knowledge of local politics is probably lower than the knowledge of national politics. However citizens are satisfied with their local authority, especially when it comes to services.Show less
Analysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis...Show moreAnalysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis are used to provide possible causes for the breakdown of democracy in Thailand. Economical circumstances, the interpretation of democracy or socialization cannot be identified as causes for the breakdown. Especially interesting is that income and appreciation of democracy are correlated negatively in Thailand in 2002 and 2006. From 2002 to 2006 interpersonal trust is decreased while distrust has increased.Show less
Since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case...Show moreSince the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case of Libya reveals that the EU is still torn when it comes to questions of foreign policy and especially the deployments of military troops. Within the last twenty years, a number of international crises have pointed out the deficiencies of the EU with regard to these issues. With this thesis, I aim to find reasons for the inability of the EU in questions of foreign policy, and particularly military action-taking within an EU framework. I argue that the role of Germany in this context is rather crucial. As the largest and most powerful member state, Germany’s position has a large influence on the actions of the EU. Germany has been very reluctant towards using military power after the horrible events in World War II (WWII), and hence, I pose the research question: ‘To what extent does Germany’s aversion to the use of military power due to historic reasons affect the EU’s ability to speak with a common voice on issues of security and defense?’ My main argument is the following: ‘The inability of the EU to speak with a common voice with regard to military action is due to several aspects, with the largest influence being Germany’s aversion to use military power due to reasons of guilt and the country’s history’. In my thesis I find that a number of reasons may influence the inability of the EU to speak with a common voice; however, the largest effect seems to have Germany and the country’s still-existing reluctance towards using military means due to its history and consequential guilt sentiments.Show less
