This thesis aims to uncover the conditions under which the involvement of former rebel groups in post-conflict politics contributes to enduring peace. Many of today’s peace settlements are built...Show moreThis thesis aims to uncover the conditions under which the involvement of former rebel groups in post-conflict politics contributes to enduring peace. Many of today’s peace settlements are built around the promises of post-conflict electoral politics and the involvement of former rebel groups in this process. Yet, the electoral process entails high levels of uncertainty for combatants, which makes credible commitment to electoral politics rather difficult. Therefore, conflict scholars have tried to identify ways by which the problems of commitment can be resolved. Nevertheless, there is a lack of consistency within the literature on what specific conditions determine whether the involvement of former combatants in post-conflict electoral politics contributes to durable peace. This study aims to fill this gap by examining how the interaction of the three main conditions: third-party assistance, levels of institutionalization, and power-sharing institutions, affects the relation between the participation of former combatants in post-conflict politics and durable peace. I combine within-case process-tracing with a case comparison of Rwanda, Liberia, Angola, and Mozambique.Show less
This study investigates the relationship between violent protest and popular support for the military in Latin America and Chile, Recently, Latin America has experienced a large wave of violent...Show moreThis study investigates the relationship between violent protest and popular support for the military in Latin America and Chile, Recently, Latin America has experienced a large wave of violent anti-government protests causing unrest and instability in the region. Simultaneously, a growing trend shows that Latin American citizens are becoming more supportive of the military. Accordingly, existing theories on militarization have not yet sufficiently analyzed the link between these two variables. While scholars often indicate that insecurity and distrust in political institutions are important determinants to growing levels of support for the military, they have not yet been linked directly to violent protest. Therefore, this research aims to build upon these works and theorizes that violent protest leads to feelings of insecurity and distrust in political institutions which in turn, drives citizens to grant more authority to the military. It is found in the Chilean case that violent protest generally does not lead to higher levels of support for the military although it does fuel demands for a short-term military solution to curb public disorder.Show less
The introduction of cell phones and the Internet into society has change the means through which collective mobilization efforts are done, increasingly using online platforms or messaging services...Show moreThe introduction of cell phones and the Internet into society has change the means through which collective mobilization efforts are done, increasingly using online platforms or messaging services to do so. This paper brings forward the following research question: What is the effect of ICT on the onset of armed conflict? The discussion will be operationalized by a cross-national country analysis on seven ASEAN countries between 2001 and 2017. These economies have seen an exponential spread of individual-access to ICT since they have become widely available to the masses, while also being continuously affected by severe on-going armed conflict. To answer the research question, the theoretical link between ICT and conflict onset is empirically examined by testing three hypothesis quantitively, using a negative binomial regression model. Based on the existing literature on conflict onset, I expected a positive relationship: an increase of ICT would be associated with an increase in armed conflict onset. The findings confirm most of the expectations, while others ask for more nuanced research on cell phone and Internet availability and the relationship with armed conflict onset.Show less
In a region more characterized by a history of military coups and autocratic military rule than by inter-state conflict, the armed forces have increasingly been deployed inside each state’s own...Show moreIn a region more characterized by a history of military coups and autocratic military rule than by inter-state conflict, the armed forces have increasingly been deployed inside each state’s own territory with the goal of fighting violent crime. Throughout the 21st century, Latin American countries have, without exception, progressively militarized their security. This thesis seeks to research whether this militarization is impacting the quality of democracy in the continent. Using Rio de Janeiro as an in-depth case study, I argue that the militarization of security has the potential to undermine the quality of democracy by diminishing state capacity.Show less
Does it make a difference whether women are included in peace negotiations or should it just be left to the men in charge? Arguably, there is a connection in this statement: including women in the...Show moreDoes it make a difference whether women are included in peace negotiations or should it just be left to the men in charge? Arguably, there is a connection in this statement: including women in the peace process may reshape who is “in charge” by affecting levels of female political participation in the post-conflict environment. Though support for the idea that women should be involved in the peacebuilding process is almost unanimous, insufficient consideration has been given to how this involvement affects women in the longer-term, especially in relation to their political engagement. This thesis will build a theory about the relationship between women’s involvement in peace negotiations, and their subsequent levels of political participation. To do so, I will consider whether involvement in peace negotiations matters, and whether the type of involvement has varying degrees of impact. I theorize that the type women’s inclusion in the peace process affects the rate of political participation in two main ways: by causing a shift in cultural norms relating to the role of women and by altering the content of the agreement itself.Show less
