This thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the...Show moreThis thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the public consensus on the need to mitigate climate change. Based on an original dataset of public opinion on ten potential environmental policy changes between 2008 and 2020, the main results are that amidst general policy responsiveness, both genders and age groups are equally well represented whereas high-educated citizens experience a slight representational bias. This demonstrates that climate policy adoption is not hampered by the underrepresentation of pro-environmental interests. The analyses in the second part reject descriptive representation as a plausible explanation for unequal policy responsiveness. Doing so, this thesis emphasizes the importance of going beyond numbers to explore mechanisms that facilitate the representation of climate preferences held by diverse groups in society.Show less
Recent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding...Show moreRecent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding polling place closures and the consequences of these closures. Because little is known about the subject, this paper aims to give more clarity on these factors and consequences. It hypothesizes (1) that polling place closures have a negative effect on voter turnout; (2) that counties with a larger minority population experience more polling place closures than counties with a smaller minority population, (2a) especially in states where the Republican party has unified control over state government; and (3) that the negative effect of polling place closures on voter turnout is larger in counties with a larger minority population. Using county-level data from the 2008, 2012, and 2016 presidential elections, this paper finds no support for H1, showing that polling place closures do not have a significant effect on voter turnout. While polling place closures lead to less physical turnout, they are associated with increases in absentee turnout. It finds mixed results for H2, H2a, and H3. This paper is the first of its kind in testing these relationships in a US-wide large-N observational study. Because of the inconclusive nature of its results and the general lack of academic research into the topic, this paper advocates for more research into polling place closures and their connection to race, ethnicity, and voter turnout.Show less
