The people’s voting choice is not only influenced by political parties, but also by the individual politicians themselves. This personalization of politics could be due tot certain character traits...Show moreThe people’s voting choice is not only influenced by political parties, but also by the individual politicians themselves. This personalization of politics could be due tot certain character traits of politicians, but also due to their personal characteristics. This thesis researches the latter at a municipal election in The Netherlands in 2022. A regression analysis has been conducted using the election results from The Hague and the composition of the different neighborhoods in terms of migration backgrounds. More specifically, it has been explored whether intraparty preference voting is influenced by the migration backgrounds of the voter on the one hand and the candidate on the other hand. The results of this research suggest that voters with a migration background are more likely to cast a preference vote for candidates that also have a migration background. This is shown by the effect that in neighborhoods that have relatively more residents with a migration background, more votes are casted on candidates with a migration background. This has implications for the way parties should compose their electoral lists and could raise the question whether the preferential threshold should be lowered to increase diversity in representative bodies.Show less
This study focuses on the effects of ostracism on party discourse. By examining whether the rhetoric of radical right parties about ‘others’ (i.e., referring to democracy, its institutions and...Show moreThis study focuses on the effects of ostracism on party discourse. By examining whether the rhetoric of radical right parties about ‘others’ (i.e., referring to democracy, its institutions and political parties) has changed after an experience of exclusion, this study aims to determine whether the discourse tends to radicalise or moderate. A qualitative content analysis of 1,000 tweets from two excluded radical right parties in the Netherlands - the PVV (Party for Freedom) and FVD (Forum for Democracy) - and their front men in different periods has shown that their discourse became more radical after their exclusion from coalition negotiations. In addition, the results indicate that the measured effects are more pronounced with the first exclusion than with a subsequent exclusion.Show less
Sinds de oprichting van DENK in 2015 is DENK op zowel nationaal als lokaal niveau een populaire partij geworden onder Marokkaans-Nederlandse en Turks-Nederlandse kiezers. DENK en het profiel van...Show moreSinds de oprichting van DENK in 2015 is DENK op zowel nationaal als lokaal niveau een populaire partij geworden onder Marokkaans-Nederlandse en Turks-Nederlandse kiezers. DENK en het profiel van haar achterban zijn eerder al onderzocht door middel van kwantitatieve studies, maar in de literatuur ontbreekt een analyse die verklaart welke processen voor kiezers van belang zijn om op DENK te stemmen. Door middel van zestien semigestructureerde interviews met Marokkaans-Nederlandse en Turks-Nederlandse DENK-stemmers en niet-DENK-stemmers, is hier onderzocht welke mechanismen met betrekking tot etnische en religieuze verbondenheid, sociale structuren, en vertegenwoordiging door andere partijen, van belang zijn voor DENK-stemmers. Zij geloven voornamelijk dat de partij het beste opkomt voor de belangen van hun groep en kiezen voor DENK omdat een deel van hen zich slecht vertegenwoordigd voelt door andere linkse partijen. Daarnaast worden DENK-stemmers via video’s op sociale media geïnformeerd en gemobiliseerd, en worden Turks-Nederlandse jongeren via migrantenorganisaties zoals moskeeën gemotiveerd om op DENK te stemmen. Dit onderzoekt draagt daarmee bij aan de maatschappelijke en academische discussie over identiteit en politieke integratie van etnische minderheidsgroepen, alsook aan de kennis over het stemgedrag van etnische minderheden in het algemeen.Show less
The man charged with the hefty task of following Angela Merkel's 16-year leadership, Chancellor Olaf Scholz, was sure to address the evolving face of the modern German state in his Bundestag speech...Show moreThe man charged with the hefty task of following Angela Merkel's 16-year leadership, Chancellor Olaf Scholz, was sure to address the evolving face of the modern German state in his Bundestag speech, declaring that “Germany is an immigration country, and it is high time we understand ourselves...It is only on this basis that we can make full integration and political participation possible". An irreverent proclamation in the face of an evolving German state. As migration continues to bear heavy political weight in the German context, this analysis seeks address apparent discrepancies in the media and political response to various waves of migration. In 2022, the graphic imagery of Russian encroachment in Ukraine, on European soil, has rightfully invoked global condemnation and dismay in response. The findings of this research indicated a difference in framing between the three selected focusing events: Syrian Civil War in 2015, Taliban governance in 2021 and the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. As immigration, integration and naturalization remain highly contested issues areas in the modern German state, particularly when concerning the incorporation of peoples from Muslim-majority countries, this paper seeks to highlight this dimension of the evolution of Germany's national narrative.Show less
Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, third party military interventions are only justified in cases of large-scale human...Show moreSince the end of the Cold War, and especially since the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, third party military interventions are only justified in cases of large-scale human rights violations. However, the number of military interventions did not decrease since 1989. The exact intentions of military interventions are hard to find out. Yet, the effects should inherently improve human rights practices in the state in conflict. In this thesis, two types of human rights practices are distinguished: government respect for physical human rights and government respect for political rights and civil liberties. A large N study is done to measure the effect of military interventions since 1989 on these human rights aspects. It is argued that five years after an intervention takes place, there will be less physical harm to citizens. However, the effect on political rights appears to be diminishing. In addition, to contribute to the discussion about who should intervene, an analysis about the intervener’s political system is included in this thesis. The results impose important questions and debates, both about the intentions and effects of foreign troops intervening in a conflict, and about the conceptualization and cultural debate about human rights violations.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
Small states’ roles in international relations have often been overlooked but the dynamics have changed in recent times. With the creation of international organizations, small states can punch...Show moreSmall states’ roles in international relations have often been overlooked but the dynamics have changed in recent times. With the creation of international organizations, small states can punch above their weight and exert influence, making them important actors to consider. Their foreign policy choices can have significant impacts, however, traditional theories cannot always explain them. Constructivism based role theory is a new approach to foreign policy analysis with the potential to establish the link between size and behaviour. This paper aims to test whether role theory can explain Hungary’s foreign policy behaviour between 2010 and 2021. Despite being a small state, Hungary has received disproportionally significant attention in recent years due to its baffling foreign policy shifts. Amid the increasing geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China, Hungary often blatantly supported the latter at the expense of its EU and NATO allies. Through an inductive, latent content analysis of the Hungarian Prime Minister’s speeches, this research shows that role theory is a useful approach to make sense of puzzling foreign policy outcomes, especially regarding small states. The identified national role conceptions of the Prime Minister establish a direct link with the country’s confrontational foreign policy with Western allies and explain Hungary’s efforts to strengthen relations with China.Show less
This thesis compares the effects of NATO’s out-of-area operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan to analyze what effect geographical distance of operations have on Alliance Cohesion through the method...Show moreThis thesis compares the effects of NATO’s out-of-area operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan to analyze what effect geographical distance of operations have on Alliance Cohesion through the method of process tracing. Mainly because of the current geopolitical shift, it is important to evaluate what NATO should look out for policy-wise moving forward. The main variable of analysis in this was the changing threat-perception of the five largest contributors to both operations. The threat-perception was determined by analyzing national security reports and other primary sources from the countries involved in the analysis, focusing on elite-level policy making. What was found in the comparison was the threat-perceptions of all analyzed states were more aligned in the operations in Kosovo, while the lack of regional/national interests for the analyzed states in Afghanistan made it hard for the states to securitize the operations, damaging Alliance Cohesion. National interests and geopolitical interests were combined in the case of Kosovo, and led to the same end-goal. Meanwhile the operations in Afghanistan led to a larger discrepancy between national interests and geopolitical interests, making Alliance commitment tougher to define, and follow through on.Show less
This thesis researches the effectiveness of climate finance by observing the Adaptation Fund (AF), an international climate fund operationalised in 2007. Using qualitative analysis of the AF’s...Show moreThis thesis researches the effectiveness of climate finance by observing the Adaptation Fund (AF), an international climate fund operationalised in 2007. Using qualitative analysis of the AF’s project in Georgia it asks: “How did the Adaptation Fund influence climate policy in Georgia?”. To answer the research question, this thesis researches the effectiveness of the project in Georgia, with three factors that are considered key components of determining an effective national climate finance policy. While different definitions exist in defining effectiveness, this thesis investigates the project through Bird et al’s three factors— policy environments that support climate change investment, the institutional foundation which distributes responsibility, and the national financial system. Based on the AF’s project documents and a semi-structured interview, this thesis uses a process-tracing method to test the three factors and finally demonstrates how the AF’s project “effectively” influenced the climate policy in Georgia.Show less
This study examines interactions between the African Union (AU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), within the theory of regime complexity. Multiple scholars have...Show moreThis study examines interactions between the African Union (AU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), within the theory of regime complexity. Multiple scholars have shown the relevance of using regime complexity to understand that dynamics of international organisations (Orsini et al., 2013; Margulis, 2021). This study contributes to the understanding of regime complexity by investigating modes of interaction of the AU and the OACPS in a situation of overlapping interest or membership in their relations with the European Union. The modes of their interactions were tested by analysing publicly available documentation. The analysis revealed that the behaviour of an institution in a regime complex can differ depending on the area of interest. The case also showed that overlapping institutions can have significantly different approaches towards each other. Where the AU positions itself as a competitor and rival of the OACPS, the latter positions itself as a collaborator of the former.Show less
This thesis explores how unions in the Netherlands justify their chosen strategies to achieve their goals. Organisational pressure and their institutional role as labour representation has created...Show moreThis thesis explores how unions in the Netherlands justify their chosen strategies to achieve their goals. Organisational pressure and their institutional role as labour representation has created a situation in the Netherlands where unions have the need to pursue organisational goals next to policy goals. Through interviews with board members of the two largest Dutch trade unions, supplemented with data from newspaper interviews, this thesis analyses the strategic choices made by them. It shows that the larger union (FNV) follows the proposed expectations by pushing for organisational growth to maintain union influence and uses outsider strategies, in the form of campaigns, to appeal to potential members. CNV takes a different approach, focussing on providing services to their members to persuade people to join. This focus on collective or individual advocacy could be a trend, however more research is needed to confirm this. This study also found that both unions still heavily rely on insider strategies in pursuit of their policy goals. However, unions have less trust in the institutions through which this dialogue is facilitated. This can be accounted for through overuse of the advisory body and lack of implementation of the advisory opinions by the government.Show less
While small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major...Show moreWhile small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major power. This research examines the ways in which the Philippines, as a small state, uses these forms of power to overcome the structural constraints that it faces in its conflict with China, a major power, in their conflict over the South China Sea. These different forms of power are categorised into four types: particular-intrinsic, derivative, collective and legal. This research has found that by using certain types of power, the Philippines precludes itself from using other types of power. The different types of power, when used successfully, can also be used to amplify or enhance other types of power. Finally, this research has found that there are limits placed on the use of derivative power of major powers by different domestic interest groups.Show less
Despite mounting ethnic polarization worldwide and research pointing to the benefits of building inter- ethnic ties, civil society organization’s role in abating polarization through the bridging...Show moreDespite mounting ethnic polarization worldwide and research pointing to the benefits of building inter- ethnic ties, civil society organization’s role in abating polarization through the bridging of people in ethnically divided societies is still under researched. Yet, how these organizations can work on cross- cutting issues in ethnically polarized countries is both impacted by, and could perhaps help counter, ethnic divisions. This thesis explores whether civil society organizations have the potential to diminish polarization through their work on cross-cutting issues such as gender-based violence. This is done through investigating the cases of three Indian civil society organizations working on its elimination: Astitva Samajik Sansthan, SAHAYOG and HUMSAFAR. Drawing on Putnam’s theory of social capital it is found that through uniting people around a shared threat, shared commitments, norms and mutual benefits, CSOs do have the potential to facilitate bridging between their members. Thus, it is concluded that CSOs working on cross-cutting issues of universal importance, which builds social capital and unites people over a common cause, could potentially provide opportunities for ethnic polarization to be reduced. Further research is however needed on the actual impact such organizations could have.Show less
