The Paris Agreement calls for a reduction in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. Energy production is the primary source of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions (Ritchie, 2020). In 2023, Finland's energy...Show moreThe Paris Agreement calls for a reduction in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. Energy production is the primary source of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions (Ritchie, 2020). In 2023, Finland's energy production was responsible for 70% of GHG emissions (Statistics Finland, 2024, May 31). Using the theoretical framework established by David G. Victor, Kal Raustiala, and Eugene B. Skolnikoff (1998), this study explores how Finland and its energy sector have approached their nationally determined commitments (NDCs) to reduce GHG emissions in line with the Paris Agreement. The study takes a top-down approach, analysing government legislation to identify the key factors forming what Victor et al. (1998) call systems for implementation review and the changes in these factors mean in implementing NDCs in Finland. Through this, the research illustrates Finland’s monitoring and reporting capabilities. It also shows the various political influences that have affected the implementation of the Paris Agreement in different parts of Finland’s energy sector.Show less
Violence in migration is not a new phenomenon. Indeed, from the beginning of their journey until their arrival in the destination country, migrants, refugees and asylum seekers are victims of...Show moreViolence in migration is not a new phenomenon. Indeed, from the beginning of their journey until their arrival in the destination country, migrants, refugees and asylum seekers are victims of abuses and violence from many different sources. May it be smugglers, criminals, police officers, or even local populations, they face constant physical and mental threats. However, an important dimension of these abuses is understudied: gender-based violence (GBV). Indeed, while all migrants face threats, women and young girls are often more at risk of being physically and mentally harmed, even trafficked. Additionally, receiving countries, especially in times of crisis, seem to have a particularly hard time protecting this vulnerable group from abuses. Focusing on the 2015 refugee crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, this thesis focuses on how states, specifically Italy and France, failed to use intersectionality and human rights approaches to establish comprehensive and adapted policies to protect migrant women’s livelihood and integrity during two crises. Furthermore, it argues that without the proper training in crisis management and anticipation, public administrations and policymakers failed to protect female migrants from a continuum of violence and did not enforce said policies.Show less
This research attempts to isolate the impact of compulsory voting on democratic engagement in the European Union (EU), with a focus on elections for the European Parliament (EP). I examine if...Show moreThis research attempts to isolate the impact of compulsory voting on democratic engagement in the European Union (EU), with a focus on elections for the European Parliament (EP). I examine if compulsory voting influences democratic engagement in between election cycles, particularly within the context of second-order elections like the European Union example. Employing a Small-N comparative approach, this study assesses how Belgium and Luxembourg compare to Ireland and the Netherlands, which share known predictors for political participation but differ in compulsory voting implementation. Data from the Eurobarometer and an additional followership experiment are analyzed to explore cognitive and active democratic engagement. The findings provide insight into the role of compulsory voting as a mechanism to enhance democratic engagement within the EU, addressing concerns regarding the current perceived democratic deficit.Show less
This article aims to explain non-democratic countries voting in favor of Ukraine in the United Nations General Assembly Resolution ES-11/1 by building on theories of vote-buying and Arms of...Show moreThis article aims to explain non-democratic countries voting in favor of Ukraine in the United Nations General Assembly Resolution ES-11/1 by building on theories of vote-buying and Arms of Influence. Russian and US influences on voting behavior are contrasted by establishing competing conditions within a fsQCA framework. The results highlight the multiplicity of causal pathways leading to UNGA voting patterns and indicate that conditions derived from vote-buying can fully, and conditions derived from AOI can partly explain the outcome. Testing for the absence of the outcome, further analysis reveals that AOI based conditions are more suitable for lack of the outcome, revealing an asymmetrical causal relationship.Show less
What are the implications of recognising ethnic groups and granting them specific rights for peace? This thesis examines the ongoing debate on ethnic recognition, highlighting that while it can...Show moreWhat are the implications of recognising ethnic groups and granting them specific rights for peace? This thesis examines the ongoing debate on ethnic recognition, highlighting that while it can address minority exclusion and foster trust, it may also institutionalise ethnic cleavages and promote antagonism. To assess its effects across different institutional and political contexts, the study further focuses on ethnic party bans as crucial institutions that complicate the relationship between ethnic recognition and peace. It is argued that these bans promote political inclusion of minority groups in situations where the state has implemented ethnic recognition, and prevent the politicisation of ethnicity where the state does recognise ethnic groups. Additionally, it introduces an improved operationalization of ethnic recognition, assessing its implementation across various governance domains in constitutions and peace agreements. Using panel data and Difference-in-Differences models, the study finds that ethnic recognition generally promotes peace, particularly in countries with ethnic party bans. However, it also reveals that ethnic recognition can undermine peace in the short term, increasing political violence in countries without prior ethnic conflicts.Show less
Decades of academic work argue that homeowners participate in politics at a higher rate than then their renting counterparts. Unfortunately, few have investigated what role residents of social...Show moreDecades of academic work argue that homeowners participate in politics at a higher rate than then their renting counterparts. Unfortunately, few have investigated what role residents of social housing play in the political process. Using administrative and voter data across 3 European cities, this thesis looks at whether voter turnout among social housing residents differs from other housing types. In addition, using data from the European Quality of Life Survey, I explore the influence housing type has on an individual’s propensity to participate in other forms of political activity. The results of both analyses fail to provide a clear understanding of the role of housing tenure in Europe generally. Instead, they point to a heterogeneous collection of approaches towards housing policy which each uniquely impact how housing choice influence politics.Show less
In this thesis, I investigate the effect of perceived threats on immigration policy preferences. Using both binomial and multinomial logistic regression analyses, I examine how cultural, economic,...Show moreIn this thesis, I investigate the effect of perceived threats on immigration policy preferences. Using both binomial and multinomial logistic regression analyses, I examine how cultural, economic, and security threats influence respondents' preferences for migration policies. Based on the Intergroup Threat Theory, which explains anti-immigration policy preferences, I hypothesize respondents who perceive greater threats will favour stricter migration policies. Furthermore, I explore how the economic development status of a state, measured by the Human Development Index, may intensify these effects. I aim to test the applicability of the Intergroup Threat Theory to regions beyond the Western context, specifically focusing on Africa. Additionally, I compare the effect sizes of different types of threats on immigration policy preferences. The analysis uses data from the World Values Survey round 7, including seven African states: Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Nigeria, Tunisia, and Zimbabwe. The findings indicate the Intergroup Threat Theory is not applicable to, at least, the sampled African states. Additionally, the economic development status of a state appears to influence policy preferences, with respondents in wealthier states showing a greater preference for stricter immigration policies.Show less
This thesis explores the dynamics of cooperation and alliance formation in the post-Cold War era, with a focus on how emerging powers within the Global South pick their allies. The study centres on...Show moreThis thesis explores the dynamics of cooperation and alliance formation in the post-Cold War era, with a focus on how emerging powers within the Global South pick their allies. The study centres on the alignment theory, which argues that internal state factors, specifically the personal interests of state leaders, are significant in alignment choices. This theory contrasts with traditional realist approaches that emphasize external threats and state security as primary motivators. Conducting a single case study of South Africa's ascension to the BRIC bloc in 2010 under president Jacob Zuma, this thesis employs theory-testing process tracing to examine the hypothesized causal mechanism where personal interests of Zuma eventually led to the ascension of South Africa to BRIC. The findings suggest that Zuma's personal motivations and corrupt practices significantly directed South Africa’s foreign policy and alignment choices, resulting in its alignment with BRIC. This challenges the conventional notion that state strategies in Global South contexts are predominantly shaped by geopolitical, security related, or identity driven considerations.Show less
This thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party...Show moreThis thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party for Freedom (PVV) moves from an outsider to a mainstream party in the 2021 and 2023 elections. Using a mixed-methods approach, 1,573 tweets from Wilders' X-account were collected and analysed, identifying 253 tweets containing conspiracy rhetoric, including 32 Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric tweets. The study created and employed a robust codebook to code the conspiracy tweets for their theme, agent, action, and intensity. The thesis places itself in the existing literature on the intersection of populism and conspiracy theories and their shared characteristics of anti-elitism, anti-pluralism, and threatened nationalism. Moreover, the study is underpinned by the theory that populism and conspiracy theories are used as an anti-establishment mobilisation tool, based on those shared characteristics. The study’s findings indicate that conspiracy rhetoric was more common and intense during Wilders' outsider position in 2021, with a dominant theme of deliberate government malfunction and targeting the government and political establishment as the conspiring agents. In contrast, in the 2023 election period, when Wilders gained a mainstream status, the conspiracy rhetoric became less frequent and its content less intense, focusing on themes of migration and its associated threats. This shift suggests a strategic moderation of Wilders' rhetoric to position himself as a potential coalition and government partner. These findings contribute to the broader discussion on populism and conspiracy rhetoric by showing the shifts in this rhetoric are mainly based on the changing party status. As many populists are experiencing a mainstreaming shift all over the world, this study is highly relevant. Further research can build on the current study, by employing a similar analysis that compares two populists’ rhetoric and by analysing Wilders’ rhetoric once more during or after his time in government.Show less
As the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the...Show moreAs the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the European political debate since the 2015 migration crisis. A recent theme emerging in European migrant discourse concerns the preferential treatment politically and in popular thought of Ukrainian refugees over other asylum seekers, notably those from Syria and neighbouring countries in the 2015 crisis. This paper aims to research the impact of NGOs in political and popular attitudes to refugee reception. Using a most similar methodological approach, it qualitatively compares two cases of important migration inflows in France with varying political and popular responses to research the impact of NGO involvement in these variations. It aims to add to broader theoretical discussions on the impact of pluralism on democratic legitimacy and the role of NGOs in that relationship. It seeks to analyze whether normative claims from pluralist democratic theory on that role have empirical import.Show less
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This...Show moreForeign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This thesis investigates the relationship between political risk and FDI, using Tanzania's impending Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) venture as a case study. It assesses political violence risk, employing a qualitative approach to analyse prevailing literature and primary data from interviews with key stakeholders in a bid to identify what the obstacle to the economy transformative investment decision is. The research finds that while political violence is a genuine concern, other identifiable political risks take precedent and are attributable to the delay. These are notably risks of expropriation and transfer restrictions that require a legislative framework. Additionally, the paper offers primary data on the Tanzanian dimension of the Ansar al-Sunnah insurgency along the Swahili Coast, addressing a gap in the existing literature.Show less
This thesis investigates whether Catalonia has a moral right to unilateral secession. The research question focuses on the legitimacy of Catalonia’s unilateral secession from Spain, analyzing it...Show moreThis thesis investigates whether Catalonia has a moral right to unilateral secession. The research question focuses on the legitimacy of Catalonia’s unilateral secession from Spain, analyzing it through the lenses of three main secession theories: remedial rights, plebiscitary rights, and ascriptive rights. The study critically evaluates the arguments of economic disadvantage, democratic will, and national identity as justifications for secession. The analysis finds that while Catalonia faces economic disadvantages, these do not meet the stringent criteria of severe injustices required for remedial secession. The plebiscitary theory, which emphasizes democratic will, is challenged by Catalonia’s divided public opinion, which consistently shows less than a clear majority in favor of independence. Finally, the ascriptive rights theory, which supports secession based on distinct national identity, provides the strongest moral foundation for Catalonia’s case, but it faces significant practical challenges, including potential international instability and internal divisions within Catalonia. The findings suggest that while Catalonia’s aspiration for independence has a moral basis under the ascriptive theory, the lack of severe injustices and insufficient stable majority support complicates the justification for unilateral secession.Show less
This paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as...Show moreThis paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as well as people’s satisfaction with democracy. Using regression analyses, I show that both the polarisation and the fragmentation of the opposition are associated with a decline in people’s attitudes toward them. Furthermore, an increase in opposition polarisation is associated with a decline in citizens’ satisfaction with democracy, while the fragmentation of the opposition shows the opposite effect. Lastly, the opposition’s polarisation and fragmentation show no significant effect on the governing parties’ vote share. Overall, the results of this paper suggest that investigating the format of the opposition gives insides not only into the public perception of opposition parties but also into citizens’ satisfaction with democracy.Show less
This Master thesis focuses on the effect of institutional factors on the imports of plastic waste between European Union member states. It analyses the historical development of the international...Show moreThis Master thesis focuses on the effect of institutional factors on the imports of plastic waste between European Union member states. It analyses the historical development of the international waste trade up until its current state. Then, it constructs an exploratory model focusing on the effects of institutional factors on intra-EU imports of plastic waste. It tries to estimate the effects through quantitative analysis using panel data analysis on intra-EU import data. The theoretical framework analysed in this project is institutional, but the results show little evidence that institutional factors affect plastic waste imports. By researching this, the study aims to gain a deeper understanding of the dynamics of waste trading amongst Global North countries, specifically in the EU context. This can allow for contributions to the optimisation of EU circular economy policy.Show less
The collapse of the Soviet Union was the beginning of a wave of significant political changes as its former member states transitioned towards various degrees of democratic governance. The path of...Show moreThe collapse of the Soviet Union was the beginning of a wave of significant political changes as its former member states transitioned towards various degrees of democratic governance. The path of democratization has been uneven among these states, with some moving forward and others reverting to authoritarian practices. This research delves into how the geopolitical stance, whether leaning towards the West or Russia, and the strength of civil society have influenced these distinct democratic paths. The study's approach attempts a nuanced assessment of the effect of civil society in driving policy and democratic change. By engaging in a comparative case study, the aim is to discover the relationship between international geopolitical dynamics and domestic societal forces and how they collectively shape the democratization of post-Soviet republics. This research provides theoretical and practical insights that could improve strategy development for policymakers and contribute to a deeper understanding of the post-Soviet political evolution.Show less
The small Caribbean island of Aruba has faced problems with administrative integrity ever since it gained independence in 1986, which has hampered its efforts to meet the Sustainable Development...Show moreThe small Caribbean island of Aruba has faced problems with administrative integrity ever since it gained independence in 1986, which has hampered its efforts to meet the Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG 16) established by the UN. Aruba, a Small Island Developing State (SIDS), collaborates with other nations to accomplish goals related to sustainable development. Its ties to the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the UN Multi-Country Office in Trinidad and Tobago make this possible. This thesis examines how closely Aruba has followed SDG 16, with a focus on SDG 16.5, which calls for a sharp reduction in bribery and corruption. This thesis closely examines the political environment, legal system, and anti-corruption initiatives of Aruba in order to evaluate the country's compliance with SDG 16 and efforts to combat corruption. It assesses the effectiveness of anti-corruption campaigns and highlights Aruba's anti-corruption efforts over the past ten years, emphasizing the significance of international cooperation, legislative changes, and the National SDG Commission. Using an integrated theoretical framework that incorporates the Integrity Management Framework and Norm Diffusion Theory, the thesis looks at how Aruba balances local priorities with compliance to international anti-corruption norms. This method provides insights into governance issues in similar situations. Several theories regarding Aruba's progress toward achieving SDG 16 objectives were put to the test during the research. First hypothesis: Aruba has instituted integrity-promoting programs like the Integrity Chamber and the Bureau of Integrity, according to data. The second hypothesis, which has some support, contends that despite these initiatives, structural problems still exist in the public sector. The third hypothesis, which has some support as well, suggests that political differences make it more difficult to put integrity-related policies into action. To sum up, Aruba has worked toward SDG 16 through a number of tactics and projects, such as the creation of institutions dedicated to integrity, changes to the law, initiatives to increase capacity, support for human rights, and global collaboration. These initiatives show a strong dedication to advancing justice, peace, and robust institutions—all of which are necessary for the nation's long-term development. Aruba is unwavering in its pursuit of SDG 16, despite persistent obstacles like political rifts, structural flaws, and bureaucratic roadblocks. It highlights the significance of sustained endeavors and collaborations for the welfare and sustainable growth of its populace.Show less
Democracies face a crisis of self-preservation: how to defend against internal threats without sacrificing core values? This thesis explores militant democracy, a theory allowing limitations on...Show moreDemocracies face a crisis of self-preservation: how to defend against internal threats without sacrificing core values? This thesis explores militant democracy, a theory allowing limitations on freedoms to safeguard the system. While justifications exist that focus on democratic processes or core values, this thesis argues that the latter struggles with defining those values objectively. Can a democracy claim moral superiority without universal moral truths? Additionally, Rijpkema's (2018) concept of democracy as self-correction, another justification for militant democracy, remains unexamined. This research addresses these gaps by analyzing the limitations of defining core substantive democratic values and the challenges posed by the absence of objective morality. The Böckenförde Dictum will be used to support my argument. Furthermore, it provides a critical analysis of Rijpkema's theory. By examining these underexplored aspects, this thesis aims to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the tension between militant democracy and core democratic principles. Ultimately, it argues that there is an inherent contradiction within militant democracy, as actions against non-violent anti-democratic voices can contradict the will of the people, the very essence of democracy.Show less
Since NATO expanded the alliance after the cold war with countries that were formerly part of the Soviet sphere of influence, the new allies have made significant and sometimes above average...Show moreSince NATO expanded the alliance after the cold war with countries that were formerly part of the Soviet sphere of influence, the new allies have made significant and sometimes above average contributions to the military operations. This research presents two dimensions on which post-communist NATO members can be divided, and dives into the question how much these variables affect troop contribution to NATO-led operations in Afghanistan. By collecting data from different public sources, a clear visual and numerical image will be created of the troop contribution and modernisation of defence for four different clusters of countries. Results show that post-communist nations overall contribute more to these military operations, but that not every group is equal in terms of how many troops are contributed. Modernised armies are in general less likely to contribute troops, while countries that have a higher domestic and regional threat perception are more avid to fight for their NATO security guarantee.Show less
