One of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not...Show moreOne of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not justifiable under the United Nations mandate, not justifiable under the prominent 'Responsibility to Protect' norm and may have undermined efforts to resolve the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Syria. However, it is asserted that in situations where intervention is undertaken to stop atrocities committed by a government, the removal of that regime is necessary in achieving its aims. In exploring this link between humanitarian intervention and regime change, this piece analyses how the academic literature can justify the enactment of regime change in instances of intervention. This relationship otherwise lacks a sustained analysis in the academic literature. Whilst regime change is often difficult to justify in instances of humanitarian intervention, and inevitably controversial, this analysis will demonstrate that it is also often a necessity in achieving an intervention's humanitarian goals.Show less
The question of minority treatment, and illiberal minority treatment in particular, is an often contended subject among political philosophers. As most Western liberal democracies are multicultural...Show moreThe question of minority treatment, and illiberal minority treatment in particular, is an often contended subject among political philosophers. As most Western liberal democracies are multicultural it seems that this topic will remain relevant for a long time to come. This thesis presents the arguments of both autonomy liberalism and toleration liberalism in respect to the treatment of illiberal cultures within a liberal democratic state. While the arguments for toleration-based approach to liberalism are acknowledged and discussed, I devote a significant portion of this work to the defence of personal autonomy as the fundamental value within liberalism, as well as a value necessary to be acknowledged even by illiberal immigrant groups residing within a liberal democracy. Literature on the subject by well-established political philosophers is often focused solely on examples relevant to the United States of America, Canada or United Kingdom. The scope of this thesis is aimed at cases and national minorities relevant to Western Europe. The limits to toleration of illiberal minorities, which I establish in chapter 3, are in large part influenced by my understanding of personal autonomy as the fundamental value of liberalism, as well as by my interpretation of Raz's perception of personal value in both liberal and illiberal states. The differentiation of national minorities relevant to Europe from those relevant to the American continent is the focus for selecting the guiding principles for the evaluation of self-government claims of said minorities, a topic to which the entire chapter 4 is devoted.Show less
The expression of public opinion varies depending on the issue. This variation could be linked to highly salient issues. We argue that public opinion will be more involved in the case of highly...Show moreThe expression of public opinion varies depending on the issue. This variation could be linked to highly salient issues. We argue that public opinion will be more involved in the case of highly salient issues. In such circumstances, it would be interesting to examine if a higher saliency leads to a more accountable government. While some scholars link foreign policy with domestic debate, few of them link accountability with saliency as a means to verify the importance of domestic factors. Therefore, we will add new elements to the existing literature by focusing on this link. The question guiding our research will try to confirm that governments give more account when facing a salient issue within public opinion. Our question is the following: Does the high salience of a foreign policy issue have an influence on the extent of account-giving by democratic governments to citizens?Show less
Despite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national...Show moreDespite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national-level variation in performance and therefore cannot easily explain the differences among the countries emerging from the former Soviet Union. This paper uses process-tracing in a case study of the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania to test the variable of institutional legacies as a possible causal mechanism that aids the transition from authoritarian rule to consolidation of democracy. The analysis aims to contribute to the post-communist democratisation literature by extending the scope to new, unexplored cases and by stressing the importance of pre-communist historical legacy factor for modern institutional design. The analysis finds that the restoration of democratic institutions has pushed the character of the states toward consolidated democracies. Lasting effective governance, with the possible exception of citizenship laws, has in due course been achieved as the character of democratic values has survived Soviet homogenising polices. The conclusion proposes an analysis to measure significant variation between cases with regard to strength of legacy and strength of democratic consolidation in the post-Soviet region and predicts a correlation between these variables.Show less
In ‘de rol van de kerk op het politieke toneel’ wordt een mogelijke revitalisering van de kerkelijke lobbyactiviteit meetbaar gemaakt. Het onderzoek sluit hiermee nauw aan op de maatschappelijke...Show moreIn ‘de rol van de kerk op het politieke toneel’ wordt een mogelijke revitalisering van de kerkelijke lobbyactiviteit meetbaar gemaakt. Het onderzoek sluit hiermee nauw aan op de maatschappelijke discussie, die er bestaat over de toenemende zichtbaarheid van religie in de publieke ruimte. Met het onderzoek wordt ook de ‘traditionele secularisatiethese’ in twijfel getrokken. De traditionele secularisatiethese veronderstelt namelijk dat seculiere differentiatie (de opdeling van het leven in verschillende sferen), ontkerkelijking en privatisering van religie gelijk tred houden, terwijl de revitaliseringsthese seculiere differentiatie en ontkerkelijking juist ziet als katalysatoren van deprivatisering van religie.Show less
The body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition...Show moreThe body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition of group difference from the multicultural milieu, which are often in conflict, within its borders. How must a liberal respond to the conflict of values and claims for special recognition? The central focus of this work is to counter arguments that liberalism ought to respond by promoting personal autonomy, i.e., developing liberal individuals and institutions. Rather, in returning to the foundational basis of liberalism - that the irreducibly individual nature of moral reasoning and the fact of diversity demands liberty of conscience - it reasserts the primacy of the principle of toleration and the corollary freedom of association (and exit), as the only theoretically justifiable and coherent liberal response to diversity. This is founded on the universal human value of living according to, or not against, conscience and the striving for peaceable coexistence. A free society then, is one where different groups, illiberal or otherwise, coexist in mutual toleration and where the relevant individual freedom is the right to live according to conscience (howsoever culturally formed or defined) against external interference and, in circumstances of conflict or dissent, the freedom to exit. The implications of this conclusion are that only norms of civility developed by modus operandi may constrain 'illiberal' cultural practices. The liberal state is not invested with this power any more than it is with authority over moral questions; the state is a tyrant by policy when it is granted that authority by principle.Show less
In 2002, a new Local Government Act (LGA) was introduced in Dutch legislation. An important objective of the LGA was to improve the councillors’ representative role and to revive local governance...Show moreIn 2002, a new Local Government Act (LGA) was introduced in Dutch legislation. An important objective of the LGA was to improve the councillors’ representative role and to revive local governance for citizens. Ten years have passed since the introduction of the law, but not all of its objectives have been reached, in particular with regard to the strengthening of the representative role of councillors. Citizens still judge councillors the same as before the introduction of the LGA. Although the position of the council towards the Board of Mayor and Aldermen did improve, councillors did not enhance their external orientation in their relation to the citizenry. It seems that in the realization of the LGA, the political-philosophical foundation of the term ‘representative’ has barely been discussed. Neither the Royal Committee that proposed the legislative reforms or the Dutch government stated their definition and objectives with regard to the representative role explicitly. As a result, the LGA was manifested in municipalities in various ways and the representative role of councillors in particular became the least improved function. I argue that with respect to introducing measures to strengthen the representative role, it is inevitable to first and foremost discuss the political-philosophical background of this term. It becomes clear that because of ideological differences, representatives will implement this function in various ways. It remains to be seen whether it is possible and desirable to define measures in order to ‘improve’ the representative role.Show less
According to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries...Show moreAccording to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries do cooperate in international collective goods problems means that something must be missing from traditional rational choice models. IR theorists have tried to explain how it is possible that some countries do cooperate in collective goods problems while others do not.This research examines oil wealth as an explanation for non cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. This explanation is derived from the realist school of thought. The results of this research show that in two different cases oil wealth is negatively related to cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. Also other explanations from realist, liberalist and constructivist theories have been tested and compared to understand the importance of any of these explanations when explaining state behavior in collective goods problems.Show less
The main aim of this research was to investigate if satirical impersonations on television influence viewers’ evaluations of the impersonated politician. The research studied the influence on...Show moreThe main aim of this research was to investigate if satirical impersonations on television influence viewers’ evaluations of the impersonated politician. The research studied the influence on overall evaluations and on the evaluations of ten traits (leadership, knowledgeable, intelligent, cares, inspiring, honest, trustworthy, compassionate, arrogant, and moral). A possible moderating effect of political knowledge was studied as well. An experiment was conducted at a high school in the Netherlands using four experimental groups. Three satirical clips of an impersonation of the Dutch Prime-Minister Mark Rutte were used as stimulus material and a clip of the real Mark Rutte was used as control material. Although there was little significant evidence, the evidence did support the expectation that exposure to a satirical impersonation results in lower overall and trait evaluations of Mark Rutte. Like previous research, this research did find trait dimensions as well: integrity and competence. Exposure to a satirical impersonation significantly influenced the ratings of these dimensions. The research did not find a moderating effect of political knowledge.Show less
Political judgement – as defined here – is an intrinsically complex matter. By definition, the moral agent finds himself in a non-conventional setting and is confronted with the immediate necessity...Show morePolitical judgement – as defined here – is an intrinsically complex matter. By definition, the moral agent finds himself in a non-conventional setting and is confronted with the immediate necessity to make a valid judgement in a political spirit. For that purpose, Aristotle’s phronēsis is a promising virtue. Accordingly, this paper develops a phronetic mode of deliberation that accounts for the very characteristics of political judgement. Phronetic judgement enables the moral agent to specify the end – what is good in the particular setting – and then to deliberate about the appropriate means towards this end. That deliberative specification of the end is encouraged does however not imply that phronetic judgement leads to a sort of arbitrary ethics; I argue that in phronetic judgement – correctly understood – the moral agent also considers moral principles in the process of deliberation. Further, it is shown that the phronimos approaches political judgement with an eye for the common good, for the good of others and for justice; consequently, phronetic judgement is reconcilable with the truth of pluralism and the rule of law.Show less
This thesis is an attempt to refresh the research done on the indicators for the allocation of Common Agricultural Policy funds. The European Union has changed its formation, structure and...Show moreThis thesis is an attempt to refresh the research done on the indicators for the allocation of Common Agricultural Policy funds. The European Union has changed its formation, structure and institutions over the past decades but the research on CAP hasn’t been updated along with it. This thesis borrows from the multi-level governance theory and molds the idea of the “winners-” and “losers of EU integration” debate into expectations for the predictive powers of various variables. These variables simulate two theories which have been predominant in research which has been previously done for the Common Agricultural Policy: the theory of need and the compensatory theory. The total area used for agriculture, the number of farms and GDP per Capita will represent the theory of need whilst the compensatory mechanism is simulated through a public opinion form of euroscepticism and a variable which calculates the net contribution to the EU budget to the EU budget. Key results for the thesis and improvements to the existing literature are the establishment for the net contribution to the EU budget variable, agricultural employment and GDP per Capita as predictors of CAP allocations and establishing the strength of the EU’s official allocation criteria for the CAP. Furthermore, for the first time the NUTS 2 regions have been included in research concerning CAP funding as a unity of analysis, leading to more statistically sound conclusions than what would otherwise be the case.Show less
This thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the...Show moreThis thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the international community not intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria?’ forms the premise for this thesis. My main argument is that because of the non-consensus within the international community about R2P as a norm, there is a lack of political will to intervene in the situation in Syria. Furthermore, I argue that this lack of consensus is caused by the protection of the national interests of the states involved, especially the security of their sovereignty. These arguments are substantiated by the acceptance of my hypotheses which are based on the core assumptions of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. These hypotheses show that the protection of sovereignty, the lack of a common interest, and the non-consensus about R2P are crucial aspects in the decision not to intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria.Show less
During the Cold War, the United States and Soviet Union demonstrated a shared interest in a military status quo in Earth orbit and exercised considerable restraint by not placing weapons in space....Show moreDuring the Cold War, the United States and Soviet Union demonstrated a shared interest in a military status quo in Earth orbit and exercised considerable restraint by not placing weapons in space. However, despite ever-increasing state dependency on civilian space applications, militarisation efforts have accelerated in recent decades, heightening fears that one or more states may deploy space weapons. Indeed, the catastrophic consequences of a space war appear to provide the world with an interest in keeping space conflict free but key space power states have been reluctant to implement a prohibition on weapons in space. To understand why, this paper analyses the history of space militarisation and arms control and the two most prominent explanations offered to date – that the United States has acted as a non-status quo state and that international governance has failed to deliver on its promise. Finding these unsatisfactory, the paper proposes that the absence of a space weapons prohibition is instead best understood as the product of security dilemma dynamics. These can lead even benign states with significant common interests to a self-reinforcing spiral of insecurity driven by uncertainty and fear.Show less
This thesis looks at the relationship between regional integration and the number of conflicts. It compares this relationship to the one between two variables that have been shown to have an effect...Show moreThis thesis looks at the relationship between regional integration and the number of conflicts. It compares this relationship to the one between two variables that have been shown to have an effect on the number of conflicts in other studies: democratic freedom and prosperity. The study is conducted using descriptive statistics and statistical analysis with data from various publicly available datasets for each of the variables. The dataset for regional integration is compiled based on the theoretical framework proposed by Balassa (1962) and uses regional economic integration as its basis. 175 countries in five geographical regions are observed over a period of 21 years from 1991 to 2011. The study finds that each of the three variables has an effect on the number of conflicts, in most, but not all cases the variables have an inverse relationship with the number of conflicts. The two control variables have a much more significant effect on the number of conflicts than regional integration, with democratic freedom having an effect in all but one observed region. Regional integration’s effect on the number of conflicts increased in significance over the observed time period.Show less
In the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and...Show moreIn the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and therefore almost all candidate states did comply with this part of the acquis. However, there is a second element of the acquis, the democratic conditionality, concerning the fundamental political principles of the EU, the norms of human rights and liberal democracy. According to the EU one of those fundamental political principles is the need to curb corruption. In what way is the EU capable of influencing the anti-corruption policy of the candidate states? Is the EU thereby affecting corruption in the candidate states? In this thesis the role of the EU on the candidate states’ anti-corruption policy is tested. Is there any relation between the role of the EU, compliance of the member states and the real level of corruption? Statistical analysis and five short case studies show that there is a difference between simple rules, laws on corruption on the one hand and perceived corruption in a state on the other. The two are not related per se and therefore the EU influence in fundamentally curbing corruption is limited. The only way corruption can be stopped is when EU efforts are back upped by national actors.Show less
