The current debate on nudging is dichotomous since it either mentions the arguments in favor of or opposed to nudging. Proponents of nudging also assume that nudges should pursue the goal to...Show moreThe current debate on nudging is dichotomous since it either mentions the arguments in favor of or opposed to nudging. Proponents of nudging also assume that nudges should pursue the goal to produce certain desired outcomes. This paper questions the current dichotomy of the debate and the assumption on the goal of nudges by differentiating between an output-oriented and a process-oriented conception of nudging. The aim of the thesis is to argue that process-oriented nudges rather than output-oriented nudges are desirable because they can promote the autonomy-based freedom of individuals. The thesis formulates three conditions that process-oriented nudges should satisfy in order to promote autonomy-based freedom and it applies the process-oriented conception of nudging to three different nudges. The paper concludes that especially the nudges that make relevant information salient and that change defaults are compatible with a process-oriented conception of nudging. The process-oriented conception of nudging was applied to the empirical case of vaccination policies in order to find out what kind of nudges would be compatible with a process-oriented conception of nudging.Show less
In a context of insufficient climate action on the part of governments, the question of whether individuals have any underlying moral responsibility concerning climate change has become...Show moreIn a context of insufficient climate action on the part of governments, the question of whether individuals have any underlying moral responsibility concerning climate change has become increasingly relevant. However, despite various theoretical attempts to ground such responsibility, none of them has been completely satisfactory, resulting in a lack of consensus in the scholarly literature. In this thesis, I engage with this debate, guided by the following research question: what is the nature of individual responsibility for climate change? I build on Iris Marion Young’s Social Connection Model (SCM) of responsibility to respond to this question. I argue that using Young’s SCM to conceptualize individual responsibility to face climate injustice is appropriate because it captures the structural nature of the problem. The shared and forward-looking responsibility it entails and its focus on collective political action provide a framework to respond to climate injustice meaningfully. However, while Young sees the nature of such responsibility as being strictly political, I engage critically with the author and argue that, instead, the responsibility we bear to face climate injustice is moral. Despite concerns about moral responsibility and the blameworthiness it entails, I explore how blame can be a mechanism of accountability and social enforceability, fundamental for ensuring effective collective climate action.Show less
How and why do civilians refuse cooperation with governments during wartime mobilisation? Research examining civilian cooperation and non-cooperation within conflict studies has largely overlooked...Show moreHow and why do civilians refuse cooperation with governments during wartime mobilisation? Research examining civilian cooperation and non-cooperation within conflict studies has largely overlooked the micro-level dynamics of civilian resistance in inter-state war. Addressing this gap, this study uses testimonial data on the lived experiences of Russian civilians who refused cooperation with the Russian state following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The paper develops an argument that manifestations of civilian non-cooperation are shaped by individual and collectivised security seeking behaviour within repressive governance structures. It integrates theories of civilian agency and authoritarian repression. Lived experiences of violent repression both construct the image of the state as a violent institution and inform the efficacy of tactics of resistance, resulting in variation between avoidance, overt-resistance and oblique-resistance behaviours. As an exploratory study, the paper identifies gaps in our understanding and avenues for future research on civilian cooperation and non-cooperation in inter-state armed conflict.Show less
The refugee crisis which engulfed Europe in the period between 2015 and 2017 sparked the proliferation of securitising discourse targeting migrants across the European Union. Whist plenty of...Show moreThe refugee crisis which engulfed Europe in the period between 2015 and 2017 sparked the proliferation of securitising discourse targeting migrants across the European Union. Whist plenty of scholarly ink has been dedicated to the study of the securitising rhetoric emanating from political representatives of individual EU member states, little attention has been paid to that of the heads of key EU institutions. To fill this gap, I have chosen to examine the President of the European Council’s securitisation of migrants by conducting a discourse analysis on 120 of his speeches, press remarks and interviews that occurred in the years between 2015 and 2017. Having coded this large body of data, I have been able to establish that Tusk systematically securitised migrants by presenting them as existential threats in relation to the Schengen Agreement, public order and security, as well as European values and subsequently calling for policies to regulate their entry into the EU. Furthermore, the findings suggest that the manner in which asylum-seekers are securitised differs to that of ‘irregular’ migrants, in ways that have not been extensively covered in securitisation literature thus far.Show less
The UN, as a prime global norm entrepreneur, has launched countless efforts to spread its norm on women’s political participation globally. Whether this norm is accepted and implemented on the...Show moreThe UN, as a prime global norm entrepreneur, has launched countless efforts to spread its norm on women’s political participation globally. Whether this norm is accepted and implemented on the ground, depends on local contexts. Using Acharya’s (2004) framework of norm localization, it becomes clear that the prevailing traditional and patriarchal norms prevent the substantive participation of women in politics in both India and Indonesia. In India, instances of norm localization have taken place due to the potential for framing, grafting and reconstruction of traditional family norms. The norm of women’s political participation has been reconstructed to fit into the pre-existing familial structures. In Indonesia, no such localization has taken place. Strong religious and cultural norms, and the absence of frameworks for reconstruction, prevent norm localization. Instead, evidence points towards norm resistance. Even though instances of norm localization have taken place only in India, this has not led to a substantial change in the level of norm implementation between the countries. In both India and Indonesia, the norm is accepted on paper, but in reality, the traditional social norms prevent the full and equal participation of women in the political realm.Show less
This thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the...Show moreThis thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the four largest grain traders in the world lobby the Food and Agriculture Organization to promote market-based policies for global food security. I find substantial evidence for four strategies: multi-stakeholder fora, corporate-FAO partnerships, lobbying national governments, and revolving door practices. The four strategies help agribusinesses be involved in decision-making, increase their market and structural power, and promote the private sector as a legitimate and essential actor in the regime’s governance. The findings fit within a neo-Gramscian framework and can be interpreted as strategies used by the transnational capitalist class to support the transnationalization of social relations of production and the promotion of the neoliberal world order.Show less
International relations theory has greatly overlooked the importance of the vitality of international organisations and its variations. If organisations are not moving toward completing their...Show moreInternational relations theory has greatly overlooked the importance of the vitality of international organisations and its variations. If organisations are not moving toward completing their mandate, they cannot serve the purposes institutionalist theory ascribes to them. Mercosur, an economic integration process with the end goal of becoming a common market, is perceived by public opinion as a dormant organisation. Nevertheless, its activity in the last two decades seems to indicate that it is venturing into a new, non-economic agenda, although this has not been officially mandated to it. This thesis argues that, although Mercosur’s economic goals are currently stagnated, it has become a platform for its member states to further other socio-political interests, which has injected new vitality into the organisation. The approach of this thesis highlights the importance of institutional design in general for the subsequent performance of IOs and institutional flexibility in the scope of issues in particular, as a valuable theoretical framework to understand renewed vitality in international organisations.Show less
Dit onderzoek gaat over de rechtstreekse invloed van de ideologische positie van oppositiepartijen op de manier van oppositie voeren in Nederland tussen 2002 en 2012. In de literatuur is er...Show moreDit onderzoek gaat over de rechtstreekse invloed van de ideologische positie van oppositiepartijen op de manier van oppositie voeren in Nederland tussen 2002 en 2012. In de literatuur is er aandacht voor de getrapte invloed van ideologische positie, maar de rechtstreekse invloed van de ideologische positie op oppositiegedrag blijft onderbelicht. Bij een rechtstreekse invloed van de ideologische positie is er sprake van een direct verband tussen de ideologische positie en het oppositiegedrag. Bij getrapte invloed wordt daarentegen gekeken naar andere factoren die een rol spelen binnen de relatie tussen ideologische positie en oppositiegedrag. De ideologische afstand tussen de oppositiepartijen en de regering of de regeringservaring van een partij is hiervan een voorbeeld. Met andere woorden: bij rechtstreekse invloed is er een duidelijke en directe relatie tussen de ideologie van een oppositiepartij en de manier waarop deze oppositie voert, terwijl bij getrapte invloed andere factoren van invloed zijn op de manier van oppositie voeren. Vanwege het gebrek aan onderzoek naar de rechtstreekse invloed van de ideologische positie, is dit een verkennend onderzoek. In dit onderzoek wordt de GAL/TAN schaal gebruikt voor de ideologische positionering van de oppositiepartijen. Deze schaal kan worden gezien als de progressieve/conservatieve of sociaal-culturele dimensie van het politieke spectrum. Verwacht wordt dat oppositiepartijen die rechts (TAN) zijn op de GAL/TAN schaal voor een actievere manier van oppositie voeren kiezen dan partijen die links (GAL) zijn op de GAL/TAN schaal. TAN-partijen zijn immers voor een grotere overheid die een morele autoriteit is op het gebied van sociaal-culturele vraagstukken; een actievere manier van oppositie voeren kan daarom worden gezien als een uiting van de ideologie van TAN-partijen. Ook wordt verwacht dat partijen met een extreme ideologische positie kritischer oppositie voeren dan partijen met een ideologie in of rond het centrum. Uit het onderzoek blijkt dat TAN-oppositiepartijen inderdaad constructiever oppositie voeren dan GAL-partijen. Daarbij is er geen significant verschil gevonden in het oppositiegedrag tussen partijen met een extreme ideologische positie en partijen met een gematigde ideologische positie.Show less
International climate finance (ICF) is part of a broader climate justice movement, which is concerned with the tension that while the developed states in the Global North pollute the most, the...Show moreInternational climate finance (ICF) is part of a broader climate justice movement, which is concerned with the tension that while the developed states in the Global North pollute the most, the developing states in the Global South have to bear the consequences. ICF not only aims at reducing emissions, but mostly focuses on reducing the vulnerability of populations in developing states, through financial transfers from the Global North to the Global South. Climate justice movements insist on bottom-up policymaking, whereby power is handed back to non-state actors (NSAs) from the Global South. While the role of NSAs in international climate policies has been researched, their role in the specific finance programmes has been largely overlooked up until now. This paper therefore tries to contribute to the field through researching what role NSAs play in the design, implementation and evaluation of ICF programmes. This is done on the basis of content analysis of four of the United Nation’s climate financing programmes as part of its Green Climate Fund (GCF). This research concludes that the role of communities is only limited in the design and implementation stage, but much more present in the evaluation stage. The projects still have a very top-down focus and the involvement of the communities is hampered because of cultural and practical reasons. Strict objectives help to formalise the involvement of communities. While models of democratic pluralism and functionalism are already in place, a neocorporatist model could help the GCF to overcome difficulties in involving NSAs and to make their policies more effective and legitimate.Show less
De Kamervoorzitter is een onderbelichte schakel in het onderzoek naar de strijd om aandacht in het parlement. Het is onduidelijk welke drijfveren ten grondslag liggen aan het handelen van de...Show moreDe Kamervoorzitter is een onderbelichte schakel in het onderzoek naar de strijd om aandacht in het parlement. Het is onduidelijk welke drijfveren ten grondslag liggen aan het handelen van de Kamervoorzitter in de praktijk. De onderzoeksvraag is daarom of het gedrag van de Kamervoorzitter het best kan worden verklaard door de logic of appriopiateness of de logic of consequences. Een nieuwe dataset van ingediende mondelinge vragen maakt het mogelijk om een analyse te doen van de keuzes die de Kamervoorzitter maakt voorafgaand aan het wekelijkse Vragenuurtje. Door middel van spreidingsgrafieken en een binomiale regressieanalyse van 1422 mondelinge vragen probeert het model te voorspellen wat de doorslaggevende factoren zijn tijdens deze selectie. De regressieanalyse geeft geen doorslaggevende resultaten losse vragen, maar de spreidingsgrafieken laten zien dat de geselecteerde vragen sterk overeenkomen met de ingediende vragen. Hieruit kan je opmaken dat Voorzitter een neutrale rol inneemt en zich zo boven de partijen plaatst, zoals wordt verwacht vanuit de profielschets. De logic of appriopiateness lijkt daarom de voornaamste drijfveer in de keuzes van de Nederlandse Kamervoorzitter. Wel staat door veranderende omstandigheden in het parlement, zoals versplintering en toenemend gebruik van parlementaire instrumenten, de neutraliteit van de Kamervoorzitter in toenemende mate onder druk.Show less
Terrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and...Show moreTerrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and seeks to identify why states with similar characteristics respond differently to a common threat; through a comparative analysis of the cases of France and the United Kingdom. A securitization framework is applied to examine what ultimately leads to the variation of the actions in the two cases. The expectation is that intense securitization leads to a militaristic response, while low securitization levels lead to a criminal justice approach. The empirical analysis lends support to this argument; however, this study finds it possible that other explanatory factors might be interrelated to the proposed mechanism, influencing the result. This thesis, uses a framework of analysis that links the aspects of security and terrorism and endeavors to further contribute to the study of these topics.Show less
This study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between...Show moreThis study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between coalition and opposition and between left and right that exist in parliamentary voting. Using a triadic model on all recorded votes in the 2017-2021 parliamentary term, this study finds that the proposing actor, proposal type, and proposal subject are relevant predictors of the division that will come about in a parliamentary vote. Specifically, this study provides evidence for three points. Firstly, amendments, bills, and budgets are found to have a stronger left-right division than motions, which have a more dominant coalition-opposition split. Secondly, proposals from opposition parties are found to have a stronger coalition- opposition division than proposals from the government or coalition. Thirdly, contrary to theoretical expectations, this study only finds very limited effect of topical ideological distance on votes pertaining to said topic. The effect is only significant for proposals on economics and environment. This study contributes to the literature by using an extensive dataset and an innovative triadic method. In doing so, this study has attempted to further understanding of parliamentary behaviour based on coalition- and opposition membership and ideology in the Dutch Parliament.Show less
Placed in the broader literature of states’ foreign policy behavior this research addresses a so far understudied question, namely what explains Germany’s acknowledgment of its colonial crimes...Show morePlaced in the broader literature of states’ foreign policy behavior this research addresses a so far understudied question, namely what explains Germany’s acknowledgment of its colonial crimes committed in today’s Namibia during the Ovaherero and Nama rebellion between 1904 and 1908. Observing a general reluctance of European states to reconcile with the colonial past and looking at the therefore somewhat surprising German-Namibian case, I propose two possible causal mechanisms based on liberal theory and rhetorical entrapment to account for this rare policy outcome. According to the liberal theory mechanism, I expect former colonial powers to acknowledge colonial crimes if domestic interests change state preferences towards reconciliation with the colonial past. According to the rhetorical entrapment approach, I expect former colonial powers to acknowledge colonial crimes if political costs increase due to the strategic use of rhetorical entrapment by domestic and international actors. This is an explanatory single case study employing process tracing and using data from party publications, government and interest groups’ public statements, and parliamentary debate. I find support for both hypotheses and show that the mechanisms interacted with each other illustrating important implications for other cases of German colonial violence and reconciliation processes of other European states.Show less
