This thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the...Show moreThis thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the four largest grain traders in the world lobby the Food and Agriculture Organization to promote market-based policies for global food security. I find substantial evidence for four strategies: multi-stakeholder fora, corporate-FAO partnerships, lobbying national governments, and revolving door practices. The four strategies help agribusinesses be involved in decision-making, increase their market and structural power, and promote the private sector as a legitimate and essential actor in the regime’s governance. The findings fit within a neo-Gramscian framework and can be interpreted as strategies used by the transnational capitalist class to support the transnationalization of social relations of production and the promotion of the neoliberal world order.Show less
This research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case...Show moreThis research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case study of the Kenyan elections building on diverse data including reports and interviews, applied in the process tracing method. Building on socialization theory and norm diffusion, I hypothesize that election observation has an impact on election quality, through the diffusion of democratic values. The Kenyan legal framework meets international obligations requiring elections to be “accountable and transparent”. But the tumultuous history of election violence highlighted fundamental issues and systematic problems that must be addressed. The findings show that there is a relevant added value to the presence of EU EOM, within different phases of the election cycle. The implementation of the EU EOM recommendations plays a key role in understanding the contribution of election observation to improve election quality. EU EOMs are found to be effective in deterring fraud and corruption, as election observation contributes to pressuring government officials to respect the electoral law. In the Kenyan case, the implementation of recommendations contributed to the mitigation of election-related violence, and the promotion of the stakeholders' confidence in the electoral process.Show less
Does the intergenerational majority narrative of conflicts affect the exclusion of ethnic and religious minorities in Bangladesh? This thesis argues that while learning from majority group...Show moreDoes the intergenerational majority narrative of conflicts affect the exclusion of ethnic and religious minorities in Bangladesh? This thesis argues that while learning from majority group narratives which centre Bengali and Muslim stories might produce more exclusionary attitudes, critical memory studies is not sufficient in building an inclusive society in a state with weak and corrupt institutions. While the main explanatory variable is sources of transmission of conflict narratives, this research also examines other variables such as minority contact, proximity to conflict, and level of victimisation. Using primary data in the form of both a survey and focus group discussion, this research uses mixed-methods analysis to explore which factors result in more exclusionary attitudes by the Bengali Muslim majority in Bangladesh.Show less
De onderzoeksvraag luidt als volgt: tot welke partijfamilie behoort de BoerBurgerBeweging (BBB)? De verwachting van dit onderzoek is dat de partij tot de rechts-populistische partijfamilie behoort,...Show moreDe onderzoeksvraag luidt als volgt: tot welke partijfamilie behoort de BoerBurgerBeweging (BBB)? De verwachting van dit onderzoek is dat de partij tot de rechts-populistische partijfamilie behoort, of tot de agraristische partijfamilie. Aan de hand van bestaande literatuur zijn er per partijfamilie drie indicatoren ontwikkeld die de ideologische kernkenmerken van de partijfamilie meten. Bij radicaal rechts-populisme zijn dit nativisme, autoritarisme en populisme (Mudde, 2007). Bij agrarisme zijn dit het contrast tussen stad en platteland, decentralisatie en de relatie tussen mens en natuur. Aan de hand van de genoemde aspecten, en in vergelijking met een bestaande rechts-populistische partij (PVV), is de BBB gescoord op zowel radicaal rechts-populisme als agrarisme. Ik maak hiervoor gebruik van content analysis. Het materiaal dat gebruikt is, zijn parlementaire instrumenten, speeches en het verkiezingsprogramma. De onderzochte instrumenten splitsen zich toe op de periode van maart 2021 tot september 2022. Dit onderzoek wijst uit dat BBB op één aspect van recht- populisme een hogere score haalt dan de PVV, zijnde populisme. Bij agrarisme behaalt de BBB op alle drie de aspecten een hogere score dan de rechts-populistische PVV en de hoogste scores bij het aspect contrast stad-platteland. Er wordt daarom geconcludeerd dat de BBB tot de agraristische partijfamilie behoort, ondanks het wel (agrarisch) populistische karakteristieken bevat.Show less
This paper examines online newspaper articles related to the Covid-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom, in order to analyse how the political affiliation of said newspapers influence which frames...Show moreThis paper examines online newspaper articles related to the Covid-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom, in order to analyse how the political affiliation of said newspapers influence which frames they choose to employ. Drawing on framing theory, this thesis analyses 50 articles that were published by a conservative newspaper and 50 articles that were published by a liberal newspaper. The data consists of 100 articles that were published by The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph between 1 January 2020 and 1 March 2022. Content analysis is used to identify the different frames, such as economic or health-related frames, in order to establish a connection between certain frames and the political affiliation of the paper. Furthermore does this paper aim to assess the media’s role in the policy cycle. The main findings of this paper were that 44% of the analysed articles use the Health Risk Frame while 24% used the Economic Frame and 32% used neither. The Health Risk Frame was used more often by the liberal Guardian (29 times) and The Economic Frame was used more often by the conservative Telegraph (13 times). Additionally, these findings suggest that media framing can play a crucial role in the agenda-setting and evaluation part of the policy cycleShow less
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) may be supporting the violation of the UN Charter and Geneva Conventions constituted by the illegal occupation of Western Sahara...Show moreThe United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) may be supporting the violation of the UN Charter and Geneva Conventions constituted by the illegal occupation of Western Sahara by accepting extraterritorial nationally determined contributions (NDC) reports. Through the use of theory-testing process-tracing, this thesis investigates why the UNFCCC’s acceptance of extraterritorial NDC reports might influence the legitimacy of occupations. By conducting a case study of Morocco, the theoretical argument of this thesis is developed: Occupying powers seek legitimacy over their occupation by partaking in international organization processes which subsequently are approved by the international organization. This approval dissuades other states from objecting to the occupation and attempts to legitimate it, thereby perpetuating the status-quo which ultimately increases the external sovereignty of the occupation. By evaluating NDC reports, reports by the Western Sahara Resource Watch, and speeches at the UNFCCC, this study has identified the presence of the causal mechanism. Hence, this thesis contributes to the scholarly literature by addressing the influence that international organizations have on the legitimacy of occupations, a field that so far has gained little attention in academia.Show less
The 2016 Primaries were anything but ordinary: Trump and Cruz represented anti-establishment figures promising to fundamentally alter how the US operated. This thesis investigates the two...Show moreThe 2016 Primaries were anything but ordinary: Trump and Cruz represented anti-establishment figures promising to fundamentally alter how the US operated. This thesis investigates the two forerunners in the Republican Primary and how they utilised different discourses in their bid for The White House. Of particular interest are religious discourses as early commentators discounted Trump’s potential electability among ‘value-voting’ Evangelicals; and populist discourses, as both candidates utilised people’s disaffection with the contemporary system and the discourses surrounding immigrants and other non-American groups to mobilise supporters. To achieve its objectives, this thesis considers twelve speeches by Cruz and Trump that were given during the competitive leg of the 2016 Republican Primary (1st February to the 3rd May). Content and discourse analysis are used, finding that the candidates differed on their use of religious discourse; however, used similar populist discourse. Given the similarity in populist discourses and advantages Cruz had with his religious background the conclusion is drawn that it is not the content that distinguishes Trump, but perhaps his style.Show less
In 1946 the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) established the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) to promote gender equality and the empowerment of women. The Commission holds two-week...Show moreIn 1946 the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) established the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) to promote gender equality and the empowerment of women. The Commission holds two-week sessions every year during which UN Member States engage in a general debate and organize side-events with civil society organizations (UN Women, n.d. a). The participating civil society organizations typically hold liberal beliefs on human rights and adhere to the dominant beliefs of the CSW (Rincker et al. 2019, 3). It is therefore interesting to find that pro-life organizations have frequently hosted side-events at the CSW in the past. Especially the pro-life organization C-Fam which has hosted multiple side-events in the past decade in which they present their anti-abortion campaign (UN Women, n.d. b). Even more interesting is that pro-life organizations have actively been blocked from the CSW66 which was held in March of 2022 (Tuns 2022). This makes one wonder how pro-life organizations managed to get into the CSW and present their alternative view in the first place. Based on this puzzling observation this research aims to research the framing tactics of C-Fam. The research question is as follows: How did the Center for Family and Human Rights frame their anti-abortion campaign to align with the Commission on the Status of Women between 2014-2019? To gain better insight on the organization’s narratives, a constructivist and a rationalist approach will be embedded in the overarching model of framing theory and then traced throughout the corresponding campaigns via a thematic content-analysis.Show less
A central challenge in peace research is the limited evidence on how women’s participation contributes to peacemaking. The Sudanese Revolution has often been dubbed “a women’s revolution” in...Show moreA central challenge in peace research is the limited evidence on how women’s participation contributes to peacemaking. The Sudanese Revolution has often been dubbed “a women’s revolution” in international media outlets, although women were largely sidelined during the formal peace negotiations. Current research increasingly acknowledges the weight and gendered nature of peace agreements to achieve sustainable peace, but they fail to explain the prerequisites. At the same time, the literature overlooks the qualitative aspect of women’s involvement and influence in peacemaking. Against this background, this thesis sets out to explore women’s participation in peacemaking and the implications for gender inclusive peace outcomes. The thesis follows an inductive approach and studies the case of Sudan in-depth. The data consists of Sudan’s peace agreement, and five in-depth interviews with women active during Sudan’s peacemaking process (2018-2020). The findings revealed a mechanism of outside influence, in which women’s participation through a variety of informal channels exerted pressure on the negotiation parties to incorporate gender provisions in the peace agreement, concluding that considering women in their informal efforts is as important as advocating for more women at the formal peace table.Show less
Dit onderzoek probeert de mate van presidentialisme in Nederland meetbaar te maken. Er worden hiervoor negen variabelen onder de loep genomen die te maken hebben met het gebruik van parlementaire...Show moreDit onderzoek probeert de mate van presidentialisme in Nederland meetbaar te maken. Er worden hiervoor negen variabelen onder de loep genomen die te maken hebben met het gebruik van parlementaire middelen, de electorale context, de media-aandacht, de context van de ervaring in de regering en de middelen van het ministerie van Algemene Zaken. De uitkomsten van de principale-componentenanalyse tonen aan dat twee componenten inzichten in dit onderwerp kunnen geven. In plaats van presidentialisme als eendimensionaal beschouwen, zoals lange tijd gangbaar was in de literatuur, toont dit onderzoek aan dat het een tweedimensionaal concept is. De twee componenten, namelijk politieke personalisatie en de ondersteuning van de minister-president, hangen sterk samen met de onderzochte variabelen en kunnen dus sterk worden verklaard hieruit. De trend van deze twee componenten wijst op een toename van presidentialisme in Nederland in de periode van 1946 tot en met 2021. Dit onderzoek toont kwantitatief aan dat de staatsrechtelijke positie van de Nederlandse minister-president als primus inter pares is ingehaald door de praktische realiteit en dat er nu sprake is van een status als primus super pares.Show less
Since the implementation of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance (2020), also known as the Love Jihad Law, religious conversion for marriage has become illegal...Show moreSince the implementation of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance (2020), also known as the Love Jihad Law, religious conversion for marriage has become illegal in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP). This law can be understood as an attempt from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to prevent the conversion of Hindu women and to further stigmatize Muslim men. This thesis analyses how this law problematizes the lives of inter-faith couples in practice. For that purpose, seven semi-structured interviews were conducted with Hindus and Muslims from UP, who are in an inter-faith marriage, and with experts from organizations that support inter-faith couples and women with their right to choose. The interviews are supplemented with online stories from couples in UP. With these interviews and online stories, this thesis incorporates the lived experiences from inter-faith couples. Therefore, this thesis does not only contribute to studies on love jihad and Hindu nationalism, but it also provides insights in how the lives from inter-faith couples, regarding their relationship or marriage, have changed since the implementation of the UP Ordinance. The thesis concludes that the UP Ordinance has not only made it close to impossible for Hindu-Muslim couples to marry in UP. The criminalization of inter-faith marriages has also (1) caused inter-faith couples to lose protection and cooperation from the authorities, (2) it has stimulated Hindu nationalist groups and individuals to harass inter-faith couples and intensified the disturbance of marriages, and consider this as an ‘act of civic duty’, (3) and it has deepened feelings of suspicion and enmity amongst friends, family members and entire communities, as inter-faith couples can be denounced by anyone to the authorities.Show less
