The body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition...Show moreThe body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition of group difference from the multicultural milieu, which are often in conflict, within its borders. How must a liberal respond to the conflict of values and claims for special recognition? The central focus of this work is to counter arguments that liberalism ought to respond by promoting personal autonomy, i.e., developing liberal individuals and institutions. Rather, in returning to the foundational basis of liberalism - that the irreducibly individual nature of moral reasoning and the fact of diversity demands liberty of conscience - it reasserts the primacy of the principle of toleration and the corollary freedom of association (and exit), as the only theoretically justifiable and coherent liberal response to diversity. This is founded on the universal human value of living according to, or not against, conscience and the striving for peaceable coexistence. A free society then, is one where different groups, illiberal or otherwise, coexist in mutual toleration and where the relevant individual freedom is the right to live according to conscience (howsoever culturally formed or defined) against external interference and, in circumstances of conflict or dissent, the freedom to exit. The implications of this conclusion are that only norms of civility developed by modus operandi may constrain 'illiberal' cultural practices. The liberal state is not invested with this power any more than it is with authority over moral questions; the state is a tyrant by policy when it is granted that authority by principle.Show less
Political judgement – as defined here – is an intrinsically complex matter. By definition, the moral agent finds himself in a non-conventional setting and is confronted with the immediate necessity...Show morePolitical judgement – as defined here – is an intrinsically complex matter. By definition, the moral agent finds himself in a non-conventional setting and is confronted with the immediate necessity to make a valid judgement in a political spirit. For that purpose, Aristotle’s phronēsis is a promising virtue. Accordingly, this paper develops a phronetic mode of deliberation that accounts for the very characteristics of political judgement. Phronetic judgement enables the moral agent to specify the end – what is good in the particular setting – and then to deliberate about the appropriate means towards this end. That deliberative specification of the end is encouraged does however not imply that phronetic judgement leads to a sort of arbitrary ethics; I argue that in phronetic judgement – correctly understood – the moral agent also considers moral principles in the process of deliberation. Further, it is shown that the phronimos approaches political judgement with an eye for the common good, for the good of others and for justice; consequently, phronetic judgement is reconcilable with the truth of pluralism and the rule of law.Show less
In the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and...Show moreIn the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and therefore almost all candidate states did comply with this part of the acquis. However, there is a second element of the acquis, the democratic conditionality, concerning the fundamental political principles of the EU, the norms of human rights and liberal democracy. According to the EU one of those fundamental political principles is the need to curb corruption. In what way is the EU capable of influencing the anti-corruption policy of the candidate states? Is the EU thereby affecting corruption in the candidate states? In this thesis the role of the EU on the candidate states’ anti-corruption policy is tested. Is there any relation between the role of the EU, compliance of the member states and the real level of corruption? Statistical analysis and five short case studies show that there is a difference between simple rules, laws on corruption on the one hand and perceived corruption in a state on the other. The two are not related per se and therefore the EU influence in fundamentally curbing corruption is limited. The only way corruption can be stopped is when EU efforts are back upped by national actors.Show less
This thesis can be divided into two parts. First, it deals with the nature of morality, the argument being that there is good reason for us to assume that morality is objective. Furthermore, living...Show moreThis thesis can be divided into two parts. First, it deals with the nature of morality, the argument being that there is good reason for us to assume that morality is objective. Furthermore, living a moral life is necessary if one wants to live a happy and full life. Secondly, it shows that morality and culture are linked and presents an argument that, if certain conditions are met, the notion of moral realism can provide us with a justification for cultural assimilation.Show less
Internet use by voters and representatives in the United Kingdom is thought to provide a number of democratic benefits such as increased participation, heightened political deliberation and reduced...Show moreInternet use by voters and representatives in the United Kingdom is thought to provide a number of democratic benefits such as increased participation, heightened political deliberation and reduced distance between the political elite and mass. Furthermore, the use of online technologies allows British citizens to communicate faster, easier and more conveniently than ever before with, with social networking sites allowing real-time interaction overcoming geographical and time constraints. There is limited research looking at the use of online communication by Member of Parliaments (MP) in their constituency role, which is surprising as the constituency responsibility of an MP has become of increasing importance in the last 50 years due social and political changes including heightened demands from citizens. Using an original field experiment, this thesis tests which method of communication is the most effective for constituents to use when contacting their local MP, with specific interest in their adoption and use of the social networking site Twitter. The research finds that the majority of MPs have a Twitter account; however theses Members tend to be young, on the left of the political spectrum and reside in marginal constituencies. Members do not appear to be using Twitter to correspond with constituents, although it is the fastest of the tools tested. Email had both the highest response rate and is most likely to provide the constituent with the information they requested, and is therefore the most effective medium for MP-constituent communication.Show less
Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with...Show moreBallistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with Russia or China. There is another analogy: playing in the major league is awarding. Land-based and seabased missile defense each are attractive options, offering pros and cons to foreign policy makers, while military planners have to make tough decisions on how to allocate scarce defense resources in the face of austerity. A small or medium-sized state like the Netherlands has only a few policy options: emulate the policy of the hegemon, strive for national or European innovative solutions or (continue to) do nothing at all. Neoclassical realism holds that the state is not a black box in the anarchy of international relations, but that the foreign policy elite makes resource allocation decisions on the basis of its own perception of the external vulnerability of the state. State institutions, domestic influence groups and party politics in turn influence both threat perception and resource allocation. Resource allocation should ideally support the best foreign policy option to counter the perceived threat. Of course, external state actors, industrial and transnational organizations influence the foreign policy elite as well. Against this backdrop, the author uses the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism to research and describe the influence that domestic influence groups can exert on policy decisions regarding the Netherlands’ BMD capabilities. After a brief introduction into neoclassical realism, the external vulnerability is described in terms of the existing ballistic missile threat posed by Iran. The threat perception is approached form the eye of the beholder: regional actors, NATO as our primary security alliance and of course domestic actors. Then the primary BMD resources available to the Netherlands are described: operational capabilities, technological innovation and defense industrial base. External factors and domestic interest groups that affect resource allocation decisions, such as the international defense industry and national civic societal actors, are analyzed. The dominant foreign policy mantra that the Netherlands’ international reputation is at stake after incessant defense budget cuts and relinquishing our NATO commitments is also taken into account as a factor of influence. Finally, four adaptive strategies are researched as BMD policy options: blindly emulate US policy (with high investment costs), join European innovation policies (with high political and investment costs), do nothing (which eventually leads to a free rider status) or a mixed innovative emulation strategy (which attains foreign policy objectives appropriate for a small or medium power while at the same time promoting Dutch industrial interests). Research indicates that very few domestic actors actually oppose the Dutch role in BMD. The author concludes that the Netherlands cannot afford to lose its leading position in European BMD capabilities. Our reputation is firmly based on our Patriot capability, and for a long time we have punched above our weight. Our credibility is at risk – and maritime BMD is one of the very few niche capabilities that we hold as bargaining chip to promote our interests in international relations. The stakes are high – but so are the potential rewards.Show less
