This paper moves beyond the democratization paradigm in studying post-communist political developments, and investigates how competitive elections affected ethnonationalism in Ukraine’s ethnically...Show moreThis paper moves beyond the democratization paradigm in studying post-communist political developments, and investigates how competitive elections affected ethnonationalism in Ukraine’s ethnically plural society (1991-2022). Based on Rabushka’s and Shepsle’s (1972) ethnic outbidding model, this paper hypothesizes that competitive elections incentivize candidates to use ethnonationalist appeals to maximally mobilize electoral support, which fuels centrifugal competition and ethnic polarization. This study has found that ethnolinguistic affiliations did structure electoral behavior in Ukraine. Most presidential election campaigns confirmed expectations based on the outbidding model. However, a comparison of the 2010 and 2004 elections challenges the outbidding theory, as the 2010 election campaign featured centripetal competition for the median voter. The existence of median voters amidst politicized ethnic divisions contradicts the outbidding model’s core assumption that middle-grounds between ethnic groups do not exist. Many voters, particularly among Russian-speaking ethnic Ukrainians, did find themselves in-between two ethnic groups, making centripetal competition not only possible, but even a rational election-winning strategy. Furthermore, contrarily to the rational-choice-based outbidding theory, political elites were able to learn from prior mistakes and became better at co-existing peacefully over time, despite fierce electoral competition. However, without candidates’ commitment not to let competition escalate, centrifugal competition is always around the corner.Show less
West Papua and Timor Leste were both annexed by Indonesia. However, Timor Leste has managed to become an independent country while West Papua is still considered to be part of Indonesia. Through a...Show moreWest Papua and Timor Leste were both annexed by Indonesia. However, Timor Leste has managed to become an independent country while West Papua is still considered to be part of Indonesia. Through a comparison of the nationalism, economic value, and third-party influences in the area, this thesis will argue that the difference in outcome is the result of the influence of third parties motivated by the presence of natural resources the conflicts. Compared to Timor Leste’s natural resources, West Papua’s are much more economically relevant. Timor Leste’s natural resources were not important enough to continue supporting the Indonesian claim over the area. Ethnonationalism in the areas has been very similar, in both areas it has come from a desire to be free from Indonesian rule. Therefore, while ethnonationalism is a basis for an independent country, it does not explain why Timor Leste is independent and West Papua is not.Show less
In the latest presidential elections of Turkey, which was realized on August 2014, Selahattin Demirtas, the co-leader of pro-Kurdish ethnic party HDP, got 9,76% of the votes. Compared to previous...Show moreIn the latest presidential elections of Turkey, which was realized on August 2014, Selahattin Demirtas, the co-leader of pro-Kurdish ethnic party HDP, got 9,76% of the votes. Compared to previous elections, this meant fifty percent increase in votes of the party. Thus, the main problem of the thesis is that in Turkey, considering the vote limitation of an ethnic party in a historical context, how could the noticeable rise in votes of HDP’s candidate Demirtas could be explained? The thesis will argue that there are several factors which contributed to the success of the HDP. First, for the last few years Kurdish political movement has been following a new strategy with which the party abandons Kurdish ethnic party claims and aims to become a party of Turkey, with increasing democratic modernization emphasis. Second, Gezi movement which occurred in 2013, showed the societal base of leftist movements in Turkey. Democratic modernization of HDP was in line with the ideals of Gezi movement and Demirtas successfully used the discourse of Gezi, whereby he enhanced the electorate base of his party. Lastly, the absence of 10% election threshold had an important role in voting behavior of the electorate and this factor had positive influence on the vote share of HDP.Show less
In the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and...Show moreIn the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and therefore almost all candidate states did comply with this part of the acquis. However, there is a second element of the acquis, the democratic conditionality, concerning the fundamental political principles of the EU, the norms of human rights and liberal democracy. According to the EU one of those fundamental political principles is the need to curb corruption. In what way is the EU capable of influencing the anti-corruption policy of the candidate states? Is the EU thereby affecting corruption in the candidate states? In this thesis the role of the EU on the candidate states’ anti-corruption policy is tested. Is there any relation between the role of the EU, compliance of the member states and the real level of corruption? Statistical analysis and five short case studies show that there is a difference between simple rules, laws on corruption on the one hand and perceived corruption in a state on the other. The two are not related per se and therefore the EU influence in fundamentally curbing corruption is limited. The only way corruption can be stopped is when EU efforts are back upped by national actors.Show less
