Since the implementation of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance (2020), also known as the Love Jihad Law, religious conversion for marriage has become illegal...Show moreSince the implementation of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance (2020), also known as the Love Jihad Law, religious conversion for marriage has become illegal in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP). This law can be understood as an attempt from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to prevent the conversion of Hindu women and to further stigmatize Muslim men. This thesis analyses how this law problematizes the lives of inter-faith couples in practice. For that purpose, seven semi-structured interviews were conducted with Hindus and Muslims from UP, who are in an inter-faith marriage, and with experts from organizations that support inter-faith couples and women with their right to choose. The interviews are supplemented with online stories from couples in UP. With these interviews and online stories, this thesis incorporates the lived experiences from inter-faith couples. Therefore, this thesis does not only contribute to studies on love jihad and Hindu nationalism, but it also provides insights in how the lives from inter-faith couples, regarding their relationship or marriage, have changed since the implementation of the UP Ordinance. The thesis concludes that the UP Ordinance has not only made it close to impossible for Hindu-Muslim couples to marry in UP. The criminalization of inter-faith marriages has also (1) caused inter-faith couples to lose protection and cooperation from the authorities, (2) it has stimulated Hindu nationalist groups and individuals to harass inter-faith couples and intensified the disturbance of marriages, and consider this as an ‘act of civic duty’, (3) and it has deepened feelings of suspicion and enmity amongst friends, family members and entire communities, as inter-faith couples can be denounced by anyone to the authorities.Show less
China’s dominance in the rare earth elements (REE) market and the growing importance of applications of REE are grounds for concern about the security of the supply chain of REE. Although...Show moreChina’s dominance in the rare earth elements (REE) market and the growing importance of applications of REE are grounds for concern about the security of the supply chain of REE. Although multilateral cooperation could mitigate the supply security problems on the REE market, only little multilateral cooperation takes place on REE, with existing literature on other natural resources suggesting that securitisation might impact the willingness of states to cooperate. Therefore, this thesis poses the question: ‘How does the securitisation of REE by states impact multilateral cooperation?’ Through discourse and document analysis of the case study of Australia, it argues that in this case the securitisation of REE is accompanied by multilateral cooperation that is towards the middle of the spectrum from soft to hard law. This study provides further supports that multilateral cooperation in the area of REE is limited.Show less
The creation of cyberspace has drastically problematized how states interact with each other. This thesis aims to understand the dynamics of international norms of sovereignty and non-intervention...Show moreThe creation of cyberspace has drastically problematized how states interact with each other. This thesis aims to understand the dynamics of international norms of sovereignty and non-intervention in cyberspace, and how they relate to already existing norms established in the physical world. To study this, Antje Wiener’s theory of contestation is used as a conceptual tool for explaining how norms have developed in cyberspace in the last two decades. Contestation is a social practice in which states show their disapproval of norms, aiming to alter them in their favor. Through these instances of contestation, norm development can be identified. The theory is applied to United Nations dialogues on cyberspace norms, as well as two pivotal cyberattack cases. The results of the analysis show that cyberspace norms follow a rather recognizable development pattern, going through all the stages contestation theory puts forth. Furthermore, the content of the empirical evidence shows that cyberspace norms are highly based on comparable norms in the physical world. This results in a paradox, where eventually cyberspace norms are adopted from earlier existing norms, but still need a conventional norm development of over two decades before these norms are slowly being implemented, meaning that international agreements, such as the UN Charter did not speed up this process.Show less
Theories of political legitimacy are concerned, in short, with states’ moral right to create and enforce laws and regulations, and to see these respected by their citizens. Of all available...Show moreTheories of political legitimacy are concerned, in short, with states’ moral right to create and enforce laws and regulations, and to see these respected by their citizens. Of all available theories of legitimacy, so-called consent theories are often taken to be a straightforward and convincing way of grounding such a right. Despite this advantage, many also argue that virtually no existing state secures the valid consent of its citizens, undermining the theories’ success in the real world. In face of such challenges, several thinkers have proposed various societal reforms to bring about widespread, valid consent, thereby safeguarding states’ legitimacy. The work at hand offers an overview of three of the most convincing so-called reformist consent theories and argues that all face serious challenges. It then argues that panarchy, a largely overlooked meta-political framework that defends a plurality of non-territorial states and that places citizen’s direct express consent at its core, successfully answers these challenges, gaining the theoretical upper hand over other reformist theories. It then concludes by assessing some of the strongest objections against panarchy, underlining the strengths and weaknesses of the theory, and spelling out venues for further research.Show less
This paper examines Carl Schmitt’s notion of pluralism, and as such focuses on his conception of the political. To formulate an answer to this paper’s central research question – ‘Is the Schmittian...Show moreThis paper examines Carl Schmitt’s notion of pluralism, and as such focuses on his conception of the political. To formulate an answer to this paper’s central research question – ‘Is the Schmittian notion of pluralism fundamentally at odds with the concept of the political?’ –, a diverse landscape of arguments had to be traversed. As a first approximation, the results hold that the Schmittian notion is in fact at odds with the concept of the political. Ultimately, these considerations aim to enrich and complement the debate surrounding the theory of the political.Show less
In May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on...Show moreIn May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out. […] We Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands’. The developments that followed were unique for the EU. The EU’s limited military structures already in place were being expanded, became more autonomous, and new mechanisms were created to foster more defence cooperation among the member states. Closer defence cooperation within the EU is generally being ascribed to geopolitical pressures, so how do the narratives of the US and Russia influence EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence? I combine the constructivist idea of perception with the realist idea of necessity and look at threat perception and the perceived necessity to cooperate further in defence. By analysing the narratives of the German and French political elite regarding EU defence cooperation in 2018, I come to the conclusion that while the US narratives significantly increase EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence, Russia’s narratives do not have such a significant impact.Show less
The literature on women in state-rebel peace negotiations has profusely tackled women’s roles in peace processes. It has also overwhelmingly focused on women's formal or informal involvement at the...Show moreThe literature on women in state-rebel peace negotiations has profusely tackled women’s roles in peace processes. It has also overwhelmingly focused on women's formal or informal involvement at the negotiation table. However, it has underexplored the impact of guerrilla women on negotiations. More strikingly, very few studies have explored the link between women’s presence in the ranks of a rebel group and negotiations between the state and that rebel group. To address this gap, process tracing is used in the Salvadoran civil war (1979-1992) to answer the following question: how does the presence of women in a rebel group impact peace negotiations between the state and that rebel group? I argue that the presence of women in a rebel group makes the state willing to initiate negotiations. In fact, a rebel group that recruits women establishes a bond with the local population and enhances its reputation among external audiences that value gender equality. This, in turn, strengthens the rebel group’s position vis-à-vis the state, especially if the latter is indiscriminately violent towards civilians. The empirical findings match the theoretical expectations. This study has notable implications for scholarship and policy because it adds to the literature on intra-state negotiations and highlights the importance of considering the challenges of guerrilla women when framing the peace process.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
This study examines interactions between the African Union (AU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), within the theory of regime complexity. Multiple scholars have...Show moreThis study examines interactions between the African Union (AU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), within the theory of regime complexity. Multiple scholars have shown the relevance of using regime complexity to understand that dynamics of international organisations (Orsini et al., 2013; Margulis, 2021). This study contributes to the understanding of regime complexity by investigating modes of interaction of the AU and the OACPS in a situation of overlapping interest or membership in their relations with the European Union. The modes of their interactions were tested by analysing publicly available documentation. The analysis revealed that the behaviour of an institution in a regime complex can differ depending on the area of interest. The case also showed that overlapping institutions can have significantly different approaches towards each other. Where the AU positions itself as a competitor and rival of the OACPS, the latter positions itself as a collaborator of the former.Show less
Despite mounting ethnic polarization worldwide and research pointing to the benefits of building inter- ethnic ties, civil society organization’s role in abating polarization through the bridging...Show moreDespite mounting ethnic polarization worldwide and research pointing to the benefits of building inter- ethnic ties, civil society organization’s role in abating polarization through the bridging of people in ethnically divided societies is still under researched. Yet, how these organizations can work on cross- cutting issues in ethnically polarized countries is both impacted by, and could perhaps help counter, ethnic divisions. This thesis explores whether civil society organizations have the potential to diminish polarization through their work on cross-cutting issues such as gender-based violence. This is done through investigating the cases of three Indian civil society organizations working on its elimination: Astitva Samajik Sansthan, SAHAYOG and HUMSAFAR. Drawing on Putnam’s theory of social capital it is found that through uniting people around a shared threat, shared commitments, norms and mutual benefits, CSOs do have the potential to facilitate bridging between their members. Thus, it is concluded that CSOs working on cross-cutting issues of universal importance, which builds social capital and unites people over a common cause, could potentially provide opportunities for ethnic polarization to be reduced. Further research is however needed on the actual impact such organizations could have.Show less
West Papua and Timor Leste were both annexed by Indonesia. However, Timor Leste has managed to become an independent country while West Papua is still considered to be part of Indonesia. Through a...Show moreWest Papua and Timor Leste were both annexed by Indonesia. However, Timor Leste has managed to become an independent country while West Papua is still considered to be part of Indonesia. Through a comparison of the nationalism, economic value, and third-party influences in the area, this thesis will argue that the difference in outcome is the result of the influence of third parties motivated by the presence of natural resources the conflicts. Compared to Timor Leste’s natural resources, West Papua’s are much more economically relevant. Timor Leste’s natural resources were not important enough to continue supporting the Indonesian claim over the area. Ethnonationalism in the areas has been very similar, in both areas it has come from a desire to be free from Indonesian rule. Therefore, while ethnonationalism is a basis for an independent country, it does not explain why Timor Leste is independent and West Papua is not.Show less
This article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential,...Show moreThis article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential, far-right group known as the National Justice Party (NJP). Examining the NJP’s discourses provides both a better understanding of new developments within the far-right, as well as knowledge of how best to counter them. By applying the discourse-historical approach, it was found that the NJP’s discourses are partially in established literature as it relates to far-right ideological influences and the structure of its discourses. The NJP is partially outside of it for its novel systemization of what it calls ‘the anti-white system.’ This system causes whites to be systematically disadvantaged by elite Jews for advantage or profit. The anti-semitic scapegoating in addition to other contextual factors, suggest that the NJP is motivated by the increasing economic precarity and racial polarization in the country. This study contributes to the established literature by addressing a modest gap, and offers some policies to neutralize the appeals of the NJP’s discourses.Show less
