The study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something...Show moreThe study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something that has previously not been studied in the literature. The analysis did this in regards to China as the main adversary of the United States today. Through a process-type tracing method the paper analyzed three crises; the 1973 oil crisis, the 2000’s oil crisis and the 2000’s gas crisis over two subsequent presidential terms. The findings indicated that the offensive neo-realist assumptions of the US vigorously pursuing its own energy security and sabotaging China’s did not hold true. The findings did however show that the US still pursued its own energy security goals on the international arena in a moderate, yet assertive manner, more aligning with the theoretical tenets of defensive neorealism. Further research on whether or not the defensive neorealist findings hold true regarding US-China relations across time would be beneficial to the theoretical debate.Show less
This thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and...Show moreThis thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and Sikkink (1998) on the case. The main argument of the study is that the boomerang pattern has to be complemented with the theory of resource exchange to understand the mechanism behind the pattern. Resource exchange holds that influence over policy can be exchanged for a valuable resource. The mechanism is expected to work because transnational advocacy networks from a country neighbouring the EU have security as a valuable resource as stability at their home state enhances both domestic and European security. The research shows that the boomerang pattern is present between the Belarusian democratic opposition and the EU. Nonetheless, the thrown and caught boomerang are not similar because the resource of security is incorporated in the caught European boomerang and not in the thrown Belarusian boomerang. Therefore, the success of the boomerang pattern depends on the process and not on the resource presented by the transnational advocacy network to the international ally. In other words, the overlap between the presented and perceived resource determines the success of the boomerang pattern.Show less
Environmental sustainability has become increasingly important in global politics and the promotion of renewable energy has received growing attention. Through its Southern European Neighborhood...Show moreEnvironmental sustainability has become increasingly important in global politics and the promotion of renewable energy has received growing attention. Through its Southern European Neighborhood Policy, the European Union invests in renewable energy in the MENA region, which has long lagged behind global renewable energy production while having major renewable energy potential. Though the EU stresses partner state development and climate goals as drivers for the ENP policy, existing literature has critically assessed the intentions of the ENP as a whole, suggesting that more Eurocentric motives drive this policy. Another set of literature surrounds the geopolitics of renewable energy and the consequences based on them. Various geopolitical incentives have been attributed to renewable energy promotion. However, there has been little formal theorization concerning the motives behind the renewable energy policy of the European Southern Neighborhood Policy. This thesis seeks to assess the intentions of EU policy for renewable energy in its MENA partner region.Show less
In deze scriptie is onderzocht welke strategieën public affairs-kantoren hanteren om invloed uit te oefenen op de politieke besluitvorming op nationaal niveau in Nederland. Dat is gebeurd aan de...Show moreIn deze scriptie is onderzocht welke strategieën public affairs-kantoren hanteren om invloed uit te oefenen op de politieke besluitvorming op nationaal niveau in Nederland. Dat is gebeurd aan de hand van semigestructureerde interviews met acht public affairs-kantoren. Uit de resultaten blijken de participerende kantoren hetzelfde doel te hebben - politieke beïnvloeding -, daartoe een soortgelijke aanpak te hanteren en daarbij dezelfde lobbytargets voor ogen te hebben. Hierbij geven zij echter wel allemaal aan dat dit sterk kan variëren per casus en blijkt dat er ook tussen kantoren verschillende voorkeuren zijn wat betreft aanpak. Duidelijk is wel dat er één kader bestaat waarbinnen gewerkt wordt. In alle interviews kwam aan bod dat public affairs-kantoren de politiek proberen te beïnvloeden met een integrale aanpak die voorbij zogenaamd ‘ouderwets’ lobbyen kijkt, waarbinnen een keuzepakket aan te nemen stappen bestaat, die hoofdzakelijk gericht zijn op het beleidsproces en waarin het zwaartepunt ligt in de ambtelijke voorbereiding. Dit werpt een nieuw licht op activiteiten van lobbyisten omdat de focus in het kader van hun lobbyactiviteiten ten onrechte vaak gericht is op beïnvloeding van politieke en bestuurlijke kopstukken, in plaats van op de ambtelijke voorbereiding.Show less
De staatscommissie parlementair stelsel signaleert dat de gemiddelde zittingsduur van Tweede Kamerleden is afgenomen. De staatscommissie stelt dat de Tweede Kamer hierdoor minder goed in staat om...Show moreDe staatscommissie parlementair stelsel signaleert dat de gemiddelde zittingsduur van Tweede Kamerleden is afgenomen. De staatscommissie stelt dat de Tweede Kamer hierdoor minder goed in staat om zijn functie als tegenmacht uit te oefenen. De wetenschappelijke onderbouwing van deze stelling ontbreekt. In deze masterscriptie wordt daarom het verband tussen zittingsduur en tegenmacht kwantitatief onderzocht. De tegenmacht van de Tweede Kamer wordt bepaald aan de hand van de mate waarin de Tweede Kamer schriftelijke vragen, amendementen en moties inzet. Tegen de theoretisch onderbouwde verwachtingen in, blijkt tegenmacht negatief verband te houden met zittingsduur, zo wijzen de analyses uit. Hoe langer de termijn van een Tweede Kamerlid, hoe minder deze gemiddeld bijdraagt aan de tegenmacht van het parlement. Deze onvoorziene conclusie biedt voldoende aanknopingspunten voor verder onderzoek.Show less
Tijdens de coronacrisis is de toegang van de politieke journalistiek tot politici sterk afgenomen. Deze scriptie onderzoekt hoe de pers heeft kunnen functioneren tijdens de coronacrisis. Om...Show moreTijdens de coronacrisis is de toegang van de politieke journalistiek tot politici sterk afgenomen. Deze scriptie onderzoekt hoe de pers heeft kunnen functioneren tijdens de coronacrisis. Om erachter te komen dit functioneren heeft gewerkt tijdens de coronacrisis zijn zeven politiek journalisten geïnterviewd op semigestructureerde wijze. Uit de wetenschappelijke literatuur over het functioneren van de politieke pers blijken drie kernpraktijken: de politiek observeren, documenten analyseren en interviews afnemen. Dit onderzoek wijst erop dat het observeren van de politiek door journalisten niet goed heeft kunnen plaatsvinden omdat fysiek contact tussen politici en journalisten afgenomen is door de coronamaatregelen. Ook zijn drie kerntaken van de journalistiek vastgesteld: het informeren van het publiek, het uitdragen van de boodschappen van politici en het controleren van de overheid. Het informeren van het publiek is bemoeilijkt door de informatieachterstand en inhoudelijke eenzijdigheid die de coronacrisis meebrachten. Het controleren van de overheid is verstoord door diezelfde informatieachterstand en door het verschuiven van de macht van coalitie naar kabinet, waar journalisten moeilijker ingangen lijken te vinden. Dit onderzoek concludeert dat er aanwijzingen zijn dat het functioneren van de politieke journalistiek in Nederland in bijna al haar facetten is aangetast. In de toekomst dient aandacht te worden besteed aan de informatiepositie van de journalistiek als de macht verschuift van coalitie naar kabinet.Show less
This thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the...Show moreThis thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the public consensus on the need to mitigate climate change. Based on an original dataset of public opinion on ten potential environmental policy changes between 2008 and 2020, the main results are that amidst general policy responsiveness, both genders and age groups are equally well represented whereas high-educated citizens experience a slight representational bias. This demonstrates that climate policy adoption is not hampered by the underrepresentation of pro-environmental interests. The analyses in the second part reject descriptive representation as a plausible explanation for unequal policy responsiveness. Doing so, this thesis emphasizes the importance of going beyond numbers to explore mechanisms that facilitate the representation of climate preferences held by diverse groups in society.Show less
Taking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful...Show moreTaking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful political actors throughout this process. In particular, the extent to which individual political elite motivations (both material and ideational) can help explain why reform attempts likely fail, will be of central interest. The theoretical framework, which is used to navigate this research puzzle, consists of the ‘barriers model’ by Rahat and Hazan (2009, 2011), and the related, ‘models of electoral system change,’ by Benoit (2004). By building upon ‘barriers model,’ in particular, this project seeks to increase academic understanding of the relationship between both material and ideational motivations, how such motivation types might be recognised, and importantly, how both interact in the context of proposed electoral reform. By using an exploratory process tracing methodology, the complex mechanisms associated with both types of political elite motives are examined. Overall, this study seems to confirm majority academic opinion, that material motivations are the key driving incentives behind whether electoral reform is likely to fail or succeed. However, that being noted, evidence from this research paper does, nonetheless, appear to suggest strong ideational incentives for both the removal and retention of the status quo. While the relationship between both motive types is complex, the use of ideational argumentation to mask more salient material motives does appear present throughout.Show less
Despite the attention given by researchers to post-war rebel-to-party transitions and their determinants, the relationship between the presence political wings and the transition of rebel groups...Show moreDespite the attention given by researchers to post-war rebel-to-party transitions and their determinants, the relationship between the presence political wings and the transition of rebel groups into political parties remains understudied. In order to fill this gap, this research proposal proposes a large-N statistical analysis of the rebel groups having successfully transitioned into a political party, for all civil wars having ended between 1975 and 2015. It is expected that the presence of political wings will increase the likelihood of rebel-to-party transitions because of two reasons. First, political wings allow rebel groups to expect electoral success, because they provide a legal venue in which supporters can express their support for the rebel group. Second, political wings provide rebel groups with experience and an organizational basis on which to found a political party, thus facilitating the transition of rebel groups to political parties. No evidence is found supporting this hypothesis, which means that political wings are not found to have any effect on rebel-to-party transitions. Still, future research should continue exploring the link between state-building processes and rebel-to-party transitions. While political wings might not play a role, the set up of state-like structures could.Show less
In this thesis, I examine the role of rebel fragmentation on the intensity of sexual violence during armed conflict. The linkage of both concepts has been neglected in the existing literature. In...Show moreIn this thesis, I examine the role of rebel fragmentation on the intensity of sexual violence during armed conflict. The linkage of both concepts has been neglected in the existing literature. In order to overcome this gap, I look at the influence of outbidding. The process of outbidding is the competing effect between two or more rival factions or rebel groups in the same territory and the subsequent surge in extreme violence. Using a single case study, I describe the preexisting levels of sexual violence by the SPLM and the intensity of sexual violence after the split. By doing so, I find evidence that the occurrence of rebel fragmentation is associated with higher intensities of sexual violence. More specifically, my findings conclude that the conflict dynamic of outbidding, and the subsequent reaction with violence by both groups, is a useful explanation for the increase in the levels of sexual violence in South Sudan. The result of this thesis adds to the existing literature on sexual violence and provides an incentive for further research on the matter.Show less
In this thesis, I examine how women’s political socialization before a conflict is connected to the prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. The thesis contributes to the existing literature...Show moreIn this thesis, I examine how women’s political socialization before a conflict is connected to the prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. The thesis contributes to the existing literature with its approach to a better understanding of sexual violence during conflict but also looking at how political socialization could favor certain behavior in conflict. Moreover, it opens a new field that distinguishes between peace and conflict times but acknowledges the importance of socialization before a conflict. The main argument is that the longer women had the chance to participate politically, the more influence they should have had on socialization, and the less sexual violence should happen during conflict. This is based on three mechanisms: women’s value in a society, gender stereotypes and women’s ability to change policies. The hypothesis will be tested in a large-N analysis by using Ordinal Logistic Regression. Two independent variables are being used in order to look at women’s political socialization: the duration of female suffrage and women’s legislative power before the conflict start. The results show that especially the duration of female suffrage can be associated with a lower prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. Against the expectations, it does not make a difference how much legislative power women had in the pre-conflict society. Female suffrage, however, can be seen as an important point in the socialization processes for women and men that has a negative effect on conflict-related sexual violence the longer it has been established.Show less
Environmental scarcity scholars believe that the scarcity of renewable resources an important contributor to violence and conflict in states belonging to the global south. Water scarcity is...Show moreEnvironmental scarcity scholars believe that the scarcity of renewable resources an important contributor to violence and conflict in states belonging to the global south. Water scarcity is becoming increasingly problematic, especially in less developed states. Existing literature has mostly focused on the macro-level and has overlooked the individual's experience of water scarcity. Existing literature mostly focuses on armed conflict and fails to address the impact water scarcity on different types of political behavior. Investigating the individual level can be more concise in explaining the likelihood of political participation. Using the theoretical concept of relative deprivation and quantitative analysis, the relation between water scarcity and individual violent political behavior is investigated in the African continent using disaggregated data from the Afrobarometer. The impact of relative water scarcity is measured to determine whether water scarcity contributes to the propensity of an individual to use violence instead of other means of political participation. No evidence is found that relative water scarcity impacts voting behavior. Both the propensity of demonstration behavior and the propensity of using violence are negatively impacted by relative water scarcity. Therefore, no evidence is found that water scarcity increases the propensity of individuals using violence instead of other political means.Show less
In this thesis, I explore the relationship between ethnic violence and neighbourhood ethnic composition during times of ethnic civil conflict. Much of the existing literature utilises either the...Show moreIn this thesis, I explore the relationship between ethnic violence and neighbourhood ethnic composition during times of ethnic civil conflict. Much of the existing literature utilises either the ethnic competition theory or the ethnic segregation theory to explain ethnic conflict. These theories offer conflicting results; I attempt to address this by using a relatively novel unit of analysis: the neighbourhood and applying it nationwide rather than limiting it to specific cities or urban areas. My argument is based on Allport’s (1954) intergroup contact theory. I connect a fall in prejudice on an individual level to a fall in prejudice on the group level. I argue that intergroup contact is more likely to occur in ethnically mixed neighbourhoods and subsequently link falling prejudice to falling rates of violence. I therefore hypothesise that ethnic violence will be lower in mixed than in segregated neighbourhoods during ethnic conflict. I select Northern Ireland as a case study for my research because it is highly polarised, it has a widely dispersed population of its two principal ethnic groups, it is a likely candidate for the ethnic competition theory, and because it has an abundance of data. I then test my hypothesis, firstly by means of a two-sample Z test for proportions, and subsequently by using a logistic regression model. Contrary to my theoretical expectation, I find no significant relationship between the ethnic composition of a neighbourhood and levels of ethnic violence.Show less
This thesis investigates the effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties. Drawing on Pappas’ (2016) binary definition of personalist leadership...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties. Drawing on Pappas’ (2016) binary definition of personalist leadership as well as on a broader body of academic literature on personalism and right-wing populist parties, the expectation is formulated that a personalist leadership style increases the electoral support of (newly established) right-wing populist parties. The hypothesis is tested using a medium-N comparative cross-case analysis comparing right-wing populist parties with a personalist leadership style to those without a personalist leadership style. Based on the analysis, this thesis finds no evidence for a substantial effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties.Show less
In this paper, I observe policy changes by established parties which react strategically to new right challengers with a hard stance on migration/integration policies. By assessing parliamentary...Show moreIn this paper, I observe policy changes by established parties which react strategically to new right challengers with a hard stance on migration/integration policies. By assessing parliamentary speech data in a quantitative text analysis with Wordscores in combination with a manual content analysis, I contribute to the ongoing debate of how and when mainstream parties change their positions on the migration/integration dimension. I focus on Germany from 2011 – 2018 to evaluate the effect of the new right challenger “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD) which became successful in the light of the so called ‘refugee crisis’. Both the quantitative text analysis and the manual content analysis find no effect for established parties before the AfD entered the parliament and observe a clear adversarial strategy of left Parties when the AfD entered parliament.Show less
Taglit, also known as Birthright, is a free 10-day trip to Israel offered to all Jews in the world between the ages of 18 and 32. Taglit-Birthright can be understood as a nation-building program,...Show moreTaglit, also known as Birthright, is a free 10-day trip to Israel offered to all Jews in the world between the ages of 18 and 32. Taglit-Birthright can be understood as a nation-building program, which inculcates a nationalistic vision of Jewish peoplehood on participants. This thesis critically analyzes what this nationalistic vision entails through an interpretive study. For that purpose, ten semi-structured interviews were conducted with former Taglit participants from Argentina. Thereby, the thesis analyzes Taglit’s vision of homeland and people, as well as the role of rituals in promoting nationalistic stances. By using Argentinian’s subjective experiences as a “breaching mechanism” to understand Israeli nationalism, the thesis contributes not only to literature on Taglit, but also to literature on nationalism and Zionism. The thesis concludes that Taglit-Birthright promotes a vision of Jewish peoplehood which (1) claims politically contested territory as part of a Jewish homeland and (2) justifies militarism and Jewish statehood by framing it as a necessary response to the Nazi holocaust.Show less
At the thought of corruption, Mexico is one of the main subjects that come to mind. Indeed, it is not a recent phenomenon in Latin America or even all around the world. The normalization of...Show moreAt the thought of corruption, Mexico is one of the main subjects that come to mind. Indeed, it is not a recent phenomenon in Latin America or even all around the world. The normalization of corruption seems a specific phenomenon in Mexico and few other countries. However, the case of Mexico is peculiar since the state still appears to maintain legitimacy. This paper will try to understand the line between illegitimate and legitimate acts of corruption in Mexico, and that how it becomes normalized in Mexico. A survey and interviews were conducted to collect recent and cognitive data to improve the case.Show less
This study shows the effects of unrecognised racism and the ‘unknown’ on identity formations of female Chinese adoptees in the Netherlands through 13 in-depth semistructured interviews. It...Show moreThis study shows the effects of unrecognised racism and the ‘unknown’ on identity formations of female Chinese adoptees in the Netherlands through 13 in-depth semistructured interviews. It contributes to existing literature on adoption, revealing limitation of the usage of Homi Bhabha’s Third Space in adoption literature. A struggle between the superego and the abject hinders identity formation. This research shows how a conflicting attraction and retraction of the unknown, the abject, shapes the search for identity. At the same time this thesis exposes a gap in migration literature. The adoptee, an unusual migrant, is underrepresented in political science literature. This study offers a corrective by introducing post-colonial theory and psycho-analysis to the question of the (unusual) migrant. Three recurring themes among the data were: (i) external identification schemes that cause internal social-psychological struggles; (ii) a conflicting attraction and retraction towards a ‘lost’ identity; (iii) the consequences of a lack of knowing.Show less
This study aims to correct the tendency for consociational and divided society literature to focus solely on institutionally accommodating ethnic division and overlook the agency of the individual....Show moreThis study aims to correct the tendency for consociational and divided society literature to focus solely on institutionally accommodating ethnic division and overlook the agency of the individual. The Good Friday Agreement was intended to uphold and respect two separate, but equal Unionist and Nationalist “communities,” deemed to have intrinsically “diverse identities and traditions” in Northern Ireland (The Agreement, 1998). Twenty-three years later, with the increasing popularity of a ‘Northern Irish’ identity, this study undertakes indepth, interpretive interviews to discover why individuals identify as “Northern Irish,” and how they understand their own belonging in relation to the formal identities recognised within the Good Friday Agreement. Ultimately it seeks to answer: How does the ‘Northern Irish’ identity challenge the boundaries within a deeply divided society? This is answered by utilising the theory of belonging to reveal the fluidity and complexity of self-identification in a post-conflict society. Contrary to divided societies’ literature which is predicated on entrenched, polarised groups, the existence and increasing use of the Northern Irish identity shows the need for a non-combative and unique identifier. It reveals an inflexibility within the literature that results in an inability to recognise a post-conflict social need for change.Show less
While examining the persistence of partition in ethno-nationally divided polities ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East, the two competing logics of partition literature (ethnic spoils;...Show moreWhile examining the persistence of partition in ethno-nationally divided polities ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East, the two competing logics of partition literature (ethnic spoils; ethnic security dilemma) are limited by their sole focus on military/security or economic factors. To overcome such a theoretical limitation, this qualitative study, which employs a Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), offers an interpretative account of the discursive elements of enduring partition through an investigation of the rhetoric of Greek-Cypriot elites regarding the presence of Turkish settlers/migrants in Northern Cyprus. Previous research on the “settler problem” emphasizes that it is a question of demographics in both public and elite discourse(s). In contrast, by utilizing the middle-way approach to native-settler relations and the Agambenian state of emergency to explain the generative role of partition and its influence on the rhetoric of elite figures, this study finds that, from 2004 (t = 0) to 2017 (t = 1), Greek-Cypriot elites combined the discursive strategies of demographic imbalance, securitization, and racialization to frame the supposed “settler problem”. This discursive inquiry that probes a purposive sample of primary and secondary textual sources (N = 60) provides a new window into the role of enduring partition in generating the discourse of political elites and counters monolithic understandings regarding the presence of Turkish settlers/migrants. Therefore, providing a framework for future studies that aim to understand the influence of partition on the rhetoric of “native” elites about “non-native” groups both in the island of Cyprus and in other socio-politically divided societies.Show less
