The issue of climate change requires immediate action. With this urgency, there is growing momentum behind youth movements advocating for serious action, and they have specific demands. This study...Show moreThe issue of climate change requires immediate action. With this urgency, there is growing momentum behind youth movements advocating for serious action, and they have specific demands. This study aims to provide a descriptive analysis of the representation of social movements, precisely the Fridays for Future movement, in the political arena. This study asks, ‘What determines the political narratives of politicians representing European countries in COP25?’ To explore this question, this thesis uses qualitative methods to analyze three important connections: 1) the recognition that the demands of FFF get at the level of European politicians at the COP25, 2) the direct references made by European politicians with various political positions, 3) the usage of business-related narrative in COP25 by politicians with different political positions. Speeches given by 22 European countries at the COP25 summit are analyzed using qualitative content analysis. Results provide deeper insight mostly in favor of the expectations that FFF and their demands got reflected in the narratives of European politicians at COP25. Additionally, a politician's political orientation showed mixed results regarding whether they incorporate business-related narratives in their speeches.Show less
Clientelism has been extensively studied in different social structures in Africa. However, without monitoring it is not clear why individuals in some social contexts are more susceptible to...Show moreClientelism has been extensively studied in different social structures in Africa. However, without monitoring it is not clear why individuals in some social contexts are more susceptible to clientelism than others. Using the Social Identity Approach from social psychology, I suggest strong social identities like ethnicity and party identification can explain why clientelism is more prevalent in some countries than others. I will use the following research question: ‘How does social identity impact clientelism?’ I will analyse the impact of social identity on clientelism with mass survey data of the Afrobarometer Round 6 (2016) from 25 different African countries. This relationship will be tested through multilevel logistic regression analysis at both the individual level and country level. I find that ethnic identity, party identification and social norms increase the likeliness of an individual to engage in clientelism. This suggests that social identity plays a role in facilitating clientelism. However, which social identity is relevant varies across countries and in different social contexts. This implies that to understand why and how voters engage in clientelism with brokers and patrons that social identity should be taken into account. Furthermore, how policies and political choices shape identity is important because the impact of social identity on clientelism is dependent on the social context.Show less
While the OPCW has worked successfully since 1997 to end chemical warfare, this is not the case when looking at Syria. The organization made efforts like disarming the country from chemicals, but...Show moreWhile the OPCW has worked successfully since 1997 to end chemical warfare, this is not the case when looking at Syria. The organization made efforts like disarming the country from chemicals, but when this step fell short, the organization was unable to thoroughly analyze and make decisions about the attacks that followed. Although it had the resources to find more information and take actions like recommending collective measures or sanctioning Syria with the help of the UN, the OPCW still failed. It is alleged that some works of the OPCW were perceived as a threat to the national interests of Russia and the United States. As a result, these countries attempted to control the OPCW, which led to this failure. To prove this, this thesis answers the following research question: How did the United States and Russia attempt to control the OPCW’s work on the Syrian case from 2013 to 2021 to safeguard their national interest? To analyze this question, this thesis uses the Principal-Agent theory in the context of directed content analysis. In this way, this thesis aims to contribute to academia by unraveling how the idea of controlling an international organization is applied in this case study.Show less
In deze scriptie wordt het effect onderzocht van behaalde voorkeurstemmen op de lijstplaatsing bij de volgende gemeenteraadsverkiezingen met als casus de verkiezingen van 2014 en 2018. De...Show moreIn deze scriptie wordt het effect onderzocht van behaalde voorkeurstemmen op de lijstplaatsing bij de volgende gemeenteraadsverkiezingen met als casus de verkiezingen van 2014 en 2018. De hoofdvraag luidt dan ook: In hoeverre zijn eerder behaalde voorkeurstemmen bij voorgaande gemeenteraadsverkiezingen een factor voor de kandidaatstelling en het opstellen van kandidatenlijsten bij de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen? Uit de uitgevoerde lineaire en logistische regressieanalyse blijkt dat partijen kandidaten ‘belonen’ met een hogere lijstplaatsing ten opzichte van de voorgaande verkiezingen, die relatief veel voorkeurstemmen behaalden. Er blijken geen significante verschillen in het gevonden effect tussen mannelijke en vrouwelijke kandidaten, landelijke en lokale partijen, landelijke partijen onderling, kandidaten met en zonder raadservaring en gemeenten met meer of minder inwoners.Show less
This paper examines Carl Schmitt’s notion of pluralism, and as such focuses on his conception of the political. To formulate an answer to this paper’s central research question – ‘Is the Schmittian...Show moreThis paper examines Carl Schmitt’s notion of pluralism, and as such focuses on his conception of the political. To formulate an answer to this paper’s central research question – ‘Is the Schmittian notion of pluralism fundamentally at odds with the concept of the political?’ –, a diverse landscape of arguments had to be traversed. As a first approximation, the results hold that the Schmittian notion is in fact at odds with the concept of the political. Ultimately, these considerations aim to enrich and complement the debate surrounding the theory of the political.Show less
The rise in ecological concerns and degradation motivates the pursuit of renewable energy production in tackling climate change. Despite the sustainable framing of hydroelectric projects, they...Show moreThe rise in ecological concerns and degradation motivates the pursuit of renewable energy production in tackling climate change. Despite the sustainable framing of hydroelectric projects, they often constitute a source of conflict and resistance for marginalized communities. However, the success of anti-dam movements and resistance does not typically prevail. This study explains how the Térraba community’s resistance prevailed in cancelling the hydroelectric Diquís Project in Costa Rica. Political Ecology serves to uncover the power relations between the State and the indigenous within the discursive clash on development projects. A discourse analysis reveals opposing perspectives on development between the State and the indigenous, and its contribution to cancelling the largest dam project in Central America. The findings illustrate how a discursive clash of extractivist perspectives and practices allowed indigenous communities to utilize the legal framework to further their discourse and demand the cancellation of a harmful project.Show less
BIJ1 has recently joined the political arena with one seat in Parliament. This marked the formalization of a movement that has risen worldwide but mainly originated in the United States. This anti...Show moreBIJ1 has recently joined the political arena with one seat in Parliament. This marked the formalization of a movement that has risen worldwide but mainly originated in the United States. This anti-racist movement aims to create awareness of institutional social and racial inequality. This research analyses the reasons for members of the Dutch electorate chose to vote for BIJ1. By conducting a binary logistic regression this research strives to shed light on the propensity of citizens with a migration background to vote for BIJ1. This results in a strong relationship between voting for the party and ethnic background. Furthermore, fifteen semi-structured interviews with BIJ1 voters and people who have considered voting for the party. These were used to examine the reasons behind voting for BIJ1 along the three dimensions in Dutch politics: namely the socioeconomic, cultural and moral dimensions. The socio-economic and cultural dimensions proved to be paramount to BIJ1 supporters. Although BIJ1 voters and non-voters mentioned reasons that fell within the three dimensions these categories seem to provide incomplete explanations in connection to other issues that were discussed. The results of the interviews with BIJ1 voters, as well as non-voters, have demonstrated that their reasons for voting and considering the party were predominantly connected to identity. The group of voters who considered voting for BIJ1 were often held back by the identity of the party and did not identify with these issues as deeply as BIJ1 voters did.Show less
What should the foundations of a legitimately demarcated demos be? How can we enable the demarcation of a demos around these values? These questions about the boundary problem have been central to...Show moreWhat should the foundations of a legitimately demarcated demos be? How can we enable the demarcation of a demos around these values? These questions about the boundary problem have been central to the discussion. Thusfar, the focus has been on the inclusion of the people who have a right to participate in the decision-making process of a demos. However, this is not without concern. This thesis explores existing theories and the concerns with these theories from a deliberative democrat’s perspective. I conclude that there is a problem with the democratic foundations of these theories. Therefore, rather than focussing primarily on inclusion, I prioritise the democratic values that are the foundation of a legitimately demarcated demos. I then proceed to suggest a language-centred approach, the principle of Linguistic Unity. The linguistic dimension has yet been overlooked in solutions to the boundary problem. Whereas it does serve a purpose in the protection and realisation of democratic values. Language ultimately brings individuals together in a political community. Agreeing on a common language upon entering a demos might thus be a reasonable condition to add to the discussion on the boundary problem.Show less
Despite the common belief that alliances are reliable, states abrogate their alliance commitments frequently. Previous studies reveal that various factors motivate states to take opportunistic...Show moreDespite the common belief that alliances are reliable, states abrogate their alliance commitments frequently. Previous studies reveal that various factors motivate states to take opportunistic behaviors, and the change in an alliance member’s military power is the most influential cause. Nevertheless, existing literature provides insufficient delineation on how the power change leads states to violate their alliance commitments. In this paper, I unravel the causal process of the abrogation of alliance commitment by analyzing the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact and the French-Czechoslovak Alliance using process-tracing. I provide evidence that the change of power reshapes states' preferences by creating a time-inconsistency problem, leading them to pursue the new preference of violating the alliance commitment. Although other minor elements contribute to states’ cost-benefit calculations, results show that the change in military capability affects the cost of honoring the commitment. When an alliance member’s power increases, the cost of self-defense reduces, while a decrease in power raises the cost of assisting an ally. An analysis of the aforementioned cases supports the time-inconsistency problem model in alliance politics. The time-inconsistency problem model contributes to sharpening the existing knowledge of alliance politics.Show less
Sports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side...Show moreSports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side and improve their image. Recently, it led to a countermovement in which domestic and international calls for boycotts are heard more frequently. This thesis examines the motives of athletes, civil actors, international sporting organisations, international organisations and countries behind these calls. Political scientists often use Doxey’s approach to find the underlying rationale for boycotts. She describes eight different motives to call for a boycott. Only a limited number of scholars have studied sports boycotts in general since they mainly focus on a specific case and link this to a general theory (inductive reasoning). Studying the motives behind a call for a boycott deductively by applying Doxey’s model has not been done before. The study modifies economic models by differentiating six possible motives to call for a boycott, namely punishment, destabilisation, solidarity, symbolism, delegitimisation and signalling. All cases are studied via a discourse analysis in which the language of articles comes from six English-speaking news platforms with a global reach is checked for keywords and context. This thesis finds that although there is no single motive for all boycotts, ‘easy’ boycotts without a political layer are likely to be driven by policy change or punishment, whereas more political boycotts are in most cases motivated by solidarity and delegitimising. However, sports boycotts have an intermediate effect and are therefore very effective as a response to unexpected events.Show less
This paper analyses the relationship between interest groups and multilateral institutions by using the theory of population ecology (PE). This will be done by analysing the power of feminist...Show moreThis paper analyses the relationship between interest groups and multilateral institutions by using the theory of population ecology (PE). This will be done by analysing the power of feminist lobbyist versus other lobbyist representatives in the negotiation process of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Despite strong advocative power of these feminist lobbyists and their desire to incorporate gender in all goals, six goals have no mention of gender. These gender-blind goals have been assumed by political academia to be a failure of the feminists’ mobilization power. By using a qualitative case study method with explaining-outcome process-tracing this paper shows that it was in fact a strategic choice of the WMG to focus on certain core issues and less on environmental issues. This mechanism is because of the high involvement of civil society in the creation of the SDGs, which forced the WMG to specialize on crucial issues. Because the theory of PE was studied only on democracies before, this paper extends the theory to also fit for multilateral institutions. While the United Nations applaud the introduction of more interest groups to increase their inclusivity, this paper shows why this increase in civil society can also be considered a disadvantage.Show less
In this thesis, I examine the effects of migration on national identity in the context of borders through an interpretive political auto-ethnography, as a person born into a Turkish family in...Show moreIn this thesis, I examine the effects of migration on national identity in the context of borders through an interpretive political auto-ethnography, as a person born into a Turkish family in Istanbul and a migrant to the Netherlands. I explore how my Turkish national identity has been (de/ re)constructed throughout my experiences In and Out of Borders. I draw on what Matthew Longo explores in his book The Politics of Borders as the thick description of borders: Borders from the Outside and Borders for the Inside; while bridging it to Julia Kristeva’s concept of Stranger in her book Strangers to Ourselves to explore how migration affected my national identity. Furthermore, I bring elements from psychoanalysis and education, as well as deepening the research by incorporating the stories of five people with whom I discussed how they experience the same phenomenon I analyze in this paper. By conducting relational interviews, I gather their views on topics such as migration, identity, education, and memories of upbringing within the context of Turkish national identity and migration to the Netherlands. I further discuss the use of interpretive methods in political science and emphasize the importance of sharing individual stories.Show less
Primary goods make the world go round, and one that makes cars go round is platinum, which is needed in exhaust catalysts. It is a valuable precious metal, and 80 percent of all of the world’s...Show morePrimary goods make the world go round, and one that makes cars go round is platinum, which is needed in exhaust catalysts. It is a valuable precious metal, and 80 percent of all of the world’s platinum can be found in South Africa. Despite this, very few South Africans actually benefit from its lucrative platinum mining sector. In fact, this sector appears to cause more problems for most of the people in mining regions, from bad working conditions to air and water pollution. In this thesis I will argue that the lucrativeness of the platinum mining sector and its many negative externalities are related through the Resource Curse. I hypothesize that the owners of platinum mines will use a specific form of lobbying – cronyism, also known as the ‘revolving door’ – to influence members of the National Assembly of South Africa to adopt policies favorable to the mining sector. My research will focus specifically on the case of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act of 2002 (MPRDA).Show less
In May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on...Show moreIn May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out. […] We Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands’. The developments that followed were unique for the EU. The EU’s limited military structures already in place were being expanded, became more autonomous, and new mechanisms were created to foster more defence cooperation among the member states. Closer defence cooperation within the EU is generally being ascribed to geopolitical pressures, so how do the narratives of the US and Russia influence EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence? I combine the constructivist idea of perception with the realist idea of necessity and look at threat perception and the perceived necessity to cooperate further in defence. By analysing the narratives of the German and French political elite regarding EU defence cooperation in 2018, I come to the conclusion that while the US narratives significantly increase EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence, Russia’s narratives do not have such a significant impact.Show less
The literature on women in state-rebel peace negotiations has profusely tackled women’s roles in peace processes. It has also overwhelmingly focused on women's formal or informal involvement at the...Show moreThe literature on women in state-rebel peace negotiations has profusely tackled women’s roles in peace processes. It has also overwhelmingly focused on women's formal or informal involvement at the negotiation table. However, it has underexplored the impact of guerrilla women on negotiations. More strikingly, very few studies have explored the link between women’s presence in the ranks of a rebel group and negotiations between the state and that rebel group. To address this gap, process tracing is used in the Salvadoran civil war (1979-1992) to answer the following question: how does the presence of women in a rebel group impact peace negotiations between the state and that rebel group? I argue that the presence of women in a rebel group makes the state willing to initiate negotiations. In fact, a rebel group that recruits women establishes a bond with the local population and enhances its reputation among external audiences that value gender equality. This, in turn, strengthens the rebel group’s position vis-à-vis the state, especially if the latter is indiscriminately violent towards civilians. The empirical findings match the theoretical expectations. This study has notable implications for scholarship and policy because it adds to the literature on intra-state negotiations and highlights the importance of considering the challenges of guerrilla women when framing the peace process.Show less
