Why is it that states that are best endowed with power resources do not always achieve the outcomes they desire? This phenomenon is what Baldwin (1979) calls the “paradox of unrealized power”. Dahl...Show moreWhy is it that states that are best endowed with power resources do not always achieve the outcomes they desire? This phenomenon is what Baldwin (1979) calls the “paradox of unrealized power”. Dahl (1957) famously defines power as A getting B to do something that B would otherwise not have done. An example of this paradox is the outcome of the battle between the European Union and the Russian Federation over Ukraine. Since 2004 both the EU and Russia have sought closer integration with Ukraine (Wilson and Popescu 2009). In 2014 Ukraine signed an Association Agreement with the EU, while regions in east Ukraine declared independence and Crimea even acceded to Russia (AlJazeera 2014; BBC 2014a; Reuters 2014a; Centrum for Strategic and International Studies 2014). Paradoxically, although the EU in total possesses more power resources than Russia, it was the Kremlin that achieved their desired outcome of closer integration in the east of Ukraine. In the literature on power two major explanations aim to account for such phenomena: A’s faulty power conversion strategies and A’s failed contextual analysis (Baldwin 1979). Yet one crucial element that is absent in the contextual explanation is a theoretical model about what ultimately motivates B to comply. In order to assess whether the combination of the power conversion and the refined contextual explanation accounts for the paradox, the causal process behind the outcomes of the Ukrainian crisis of 2013/2014 is analyzed using process-tracing. The analysis of behavioral motivations suggests that B’s self-identification determines the boundaries within which A can realize its power, and that B’s identity is largely beyond the control of A. The results also indicate that A’s power conversion strategy needs to include tangible means of power to achieve the goal of territorial expansion.Show less
Non-governmental organizations are viewed by many states as efficient and cost-effective actors to enable the transmission of developmental aid (Edwards and Hulme 1998, 1). NGOs are valued by...Show moreNon-governmental organizations are viewed by many states as efficient and cost-effective actors to enable the transmission of developmental aid (Edwards and Hulme 1998, 1). NGOs are valued by donors for their ability to transfer increasing amounts of physical and financial aid from Western countries to the developing countries. The increasing prominence of NGOs however give rise to questions about the independence of NGOs in pursuing their goals. The aid chain through which aid is transferred to beneficiaries consists of multiple stakeholder with varying interests. NGOs thus have the obligation of upward accountability towards their donors, inward towards themselves and downward accountability towards their beneficiaries. This thesis is an analysis of the multiple mechanisms of accountability and the directions they are used for. The studied case is the AIHRC and the manner in which the organization presents its activities and achievements in annual reports in order to facilitate accountability to its stakeholders. By identifying in which direction the AIHRC facilitates accountability, it can be concluded which of the multiple stakeholders is considered to be most important by the AIHRC.Show less
This research concerns the identity of the Taliban as a non-state actor in the political environment of Afghanistan. Although much has been written on identity from a constructivist perspective,...Show moreThis research concerns the identity of the Taliban as a non-state actor in the political environment of Afghanistan. Although much has been written on identity from a constructivist perspective, very few authors do so from the perspective of a ‘bad actor’ and none have been found that describe the Taliban’s identity based on its own discourse. This research will do so by analyzing statements of the Taliban made on its website on what they state about the Taliban’s relational comparisons. Using this analysis, the Taliban’s identity is described using Abdelal et al.’s four elements of identity: the actor’s cognitive model, its relational comparisons, its social purposes, and its constitutive norms.Show less
Malala Yousafzai is a teenage woman who is known for her advocacy for the right to education for girls. After the attack of the Taliban on October 9th 2012 she has evolved from a ‘normal’ girl to a...Show moreMalala Yousafzai is a teenage woman who is known for her advocacy for the right to education for girls. After the attack of the Taliban on October 9th 2012 she has evolved from a ‘normal’ girl to a norm entrepreneur advocating the right to education for girls on an international level. According to Finnemore and Sikkink, norm entrepreneurs play a critical role in the first stage of norm emergence in the norm life cycle (1998, 895). Constructivism lacks a theory of agency. The role of individuals as norm entrepreneurs has been neglected in previous research in particular. Therefore, the focus of this thesis is on how individuals as norm entrepreneurs attempt to persuade states to conform to a norm. Norm entrepreneurs challenge discourse through persuasion. According to Keck and Sikkink there are four advocacy tactics norm entrepreneurs use to spread their norm(s). These are: information politics, symbolic politics, leverage politics and accountability politics (1999, 95). This thesis presents a sinlge case study of Malala as a norm entrepreneur diffusing the right to education for girls. Keck and Sikkink’s typology of advocacy tactics is used to determine which advocacy tactic Malala uses in her advocacy. Content analysis of four of her speeches of 2013 is done through a combination of qualitative and quantative research. The results of the analysis of the four speeches show that Malala mainly uses symbolic politics as the dominant advocacy tactic to diffuse the right to education for girls, which is often combined with information politics as the subdominant advocacy tactic. Moral leverage is also often used to motivate others to join her advocacy.Show less
Since the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported about the possible clandestine goals of Iran’s nuclear program , the P5+1 group (consisting of the US, the UK, France, Russia and China ...Show moreSince the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported about the possible clandestine goals of Iran’s nuclear program , the P5+1 group (consisting of the US, the UK, France, Russia and China + Germany) suspects Iran of covertly building a nuclear weapon . The aim of the thesis is to demonstrate why states abide by the nuclear non-proliferation norm in general. Specifically, the research aims to gain insights into the Iranian political decision-making on the nuclear issue in order to answer the question whether the choice in 2013 to abide by the nuclear non-proliferation norm is caused by the logic of consequences, the logic of appropriateness, or both. The research takes a constructivist approach and uses Checkel’s (1997) model of domestic norm implementation and the spiral model of Risse and Sikkink (1999) to analyze how these logics of behavior and the domestic political structure influence the Iranian elite decision-making process. It is expected that, in accordance with these models, the election of a new president in June 2013 has fostered further domestic norm implementation. Negotiation proposals of both Iran and the P5+1 group, together with IAEA and United Nations Security Council resolutions, are analyzed through process tracing. The results show that while from 2005 to 2013 the Iranian governments followed a logic of consequences and defied international sanctions, the current government’s behavior seems to be based predominantly on a logic of appropriateness and cooperates more willingly with the P5+1 and appears to abide by the nuclear non-proliferation norm.Show less
The last decade marked a significant change in the European Union‟s approach towards terrorism. As a result of terrorist attacks (9/11, Madrid and London) the EU terrorism policy turned from a...Show moreThe last decade marked a significant change in the European Union‟s approach towards terrorism. As a result of terrorist attacks (9/11, Madrid and London) the EU terrorism policy turned from a counter-terrorism approach, stressing repressive efforts targeting an outside threat, towards a counter-radicalization approach, targeting domestic radicalization processes. Led by the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, the latter approach based itself on a homegrown dimension of terrorism in which identification and resolving underlying causes of radicalization took center stage (Coolsaet 2012, 868). This shift was quite a significant one, since it influenced the traditional sovereignty of member states to deal with these issues themselves (Coolsaet 2012, 689).Show less
The last three Secretaries-General of the United Nations have been Boutros Boutros-Ghali (1992-1996), Kofi Annan (1997-2006) and Ban Ki-moon (2007-present). All of them have been advocates of the...Show moreThe last three Secretaries-General of the United Nations have been Boutros Boutros-Ghali (1992-1996), Kofi Annan (1997-2006) and Ban Ki-moon (2007-present). All of them have been advocates of the principles of the United Nations and have as such been engaged in the promotion of democracy. This research investigates whether and why their democracy promotion efforts differ. It does so by means of literature study and content analysis of speeches of the Secretaries-General delivered to the General Assembly and the Security Council, with an additional focus on the Middle East. The analysis shows that for Boutros-Ghali democracy promotion was his top priority, but there is a decline in democracy promotion starting from Annan. In addressing what factors can account for this, this research contributes to existing theories of norm entrepreneurship, the understudied topic of issue emergence, and the debate between structure and agency.Show less
Aung San Suu Kyi is a symbolic and cosmopolitan norm entrepreneur, which has been promoting democracy in Burma from 1988. This status made her popular among the Burmese and appealed to the United...Show moreAung San Suu Kyi is a symbolic and cosmopolitan norm entrepreneur, which has been promoting democracy in Burma from 1988. This status made her popular among the Burmese and appealed to the United States. Her popularity became apparent when Aung San Suu Kyi's party won the elections in 1990. However, despite this victory, she was unable to start the process of democratization until 2010. This thesis will argue that this was the result of the historical and culturale context which in 1990 influenced the military regime in such a way that the elite perceived the promotion for democracy as a threat to their political power and reduced the openness and responsiveness to the democratic norm of the political opportunity structures. In 2010 the historical context changed, as a result of the increased Chinese influence, which became uncomfortable for the Burmese regime. In order to remain in power, they realized that they had to find a new ally to support their military regime. This ally was found in the United States, but their support came at a prize; the regime had to democratize. Due to the cultural context which had remained the same, the regime only defected to the idea of democracy, instead of changing its attitude towards the democratic norm. Subsequently, contested elections were organized of which the regime acknowledged the results and consequently this led to the start of the process of democratization.Show less
This article investigates the institutional makeup of the Institute of International Finance (IIF), a worldwide advocacy group representing the private financial sector. The goal is to find out...Show moreThis article investigates the institutional makeup of the Institute of International Finance (IIF), a worldwide advocacy group representing the private financial sector. The goal is to find out whether or not the IIF is subject to first-order capture: a process in which a small group of members within the organization have become the dominant powers within the larger organization. First-Order capture is closely related to regulatory capture, which has long been a subject of interest amongst scholars in the field of international political economy. Through a study of the bylaws of the IIF, the article finds that there is indeed a group within the IIF’s membership ranks, which holds an institutional advantage, which allows them to take over the direction of the IIF.This article uses but does not include the bylaws of the Institute of International Finance.Show less
Why did the overall attempt of Syrian opposition groups to democratize Syria, fail? The purpose of this study is to answer this question and identify this case as a case of norm non-diffusion in...Show moreWhy did the overall attempt of Syrian opposition groups to democratize Syria, fail? The purpose of this study is to answer this question and identify this case as a case of norm non-diffusion in the broad framework of social constructivism. This is interesting because most theorists seek to explain norm diffusion in terms of success rather than failure. It does this by defining norms and the way they typically diffuse. The study identifies persuasion tactics as set out by Keck and Sikkink (1999) and combines these tactics with socialization mechanisms as provided by Risse, Ropp and Sikkink (1999). This leads to the exposure of constructivists’ models, which will be discussed in the theoretical framework. During the analysis of this study four attempts of democratization are analyzed by these models. The focus of this analysis relies on the successful use of the tactics in a chronological way and stresses the importance of the presence of support by the Syrian state, the Syrian people and the U.S.Show less
Privacy is a very broad concept, comprising for example physical privacy, the ability to make decisions or act without other parties’ knowledge, and control over personal information (Kemp 2007, 63...Show morePrivacy is a very broad concept, comprising for example physical privacy, the ability to make decisions or act without other parties’ knowledge, and control over personal information (Kemp 2007, 63-65).Show less
