This research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT...Show moreThis research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT analysis. This analysis examines Russia's military capabilities, the operational environment in the Baltic states and the combination of the two.Show less
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
This thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and...Show moreThis thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and the troublesome relationship is currently shown by the PACE decision to strip Russia of its voting rights and Russia’s decision to stop its annual payments to the organisation. To research Russia’s behaviour within this organisation, I tested the official Russian discourse about the organisation and interviewed people working on a daily basis with the Council of Europe. This research found that in the years leading up to 2014, Russian officials mixed positive and negative statements about the organisation. Sometimes the organisation was described as a platform for Pan-European organisation, whereas in other occasions the organisation was labelled politicised and anti-Russian. Since Russia lost its voting rights in the PACE in 2014, the official discourse changed towards a confrontational strategy and almost all statements were critical about the Council of Europe and Russia regularly threatened to leave. This finding was endorsed by the interviewees who argued that a possible Russian exit would heavily damage the organisation and the protection of human rights in Russia.Show less
This study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the...Show moreThis study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the Revolution has led to a meaningful shift towards a more inclusive style of governance. Through a focus on the anti-corruption policy field as a case study, the argument which will be advanced is that the 2014 Euromaidan did lead to a qualitative opening of the political system and the policy-making process in stark contrast to the authoritarian and exclusionist nature of the former Yanukovych regime. The post-2014 period has therefore seen considerable involvement of CSO representatives in public policy-making and a sustained formal commitment to dialogue on the part of many representatives of the authorities. More recently, however, a trend towards de facto marginalisation of CSO representatives and the closing of previously productive channels for cooperation suggest a moderate reversal of initial positive tendencies and raise questions about the extent to which the positive developments of 2014 and 2015 can be treated unambiguously as a sign of a large-scale and sustainable shift towards participatory governance.Show less
This thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign...Show moreThis thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign policy responded to the case of Abkhazia’s self-proclaimed independence?" is that the response can be divided into three time periods of ignoring, partially recognizing and opposing Abkhazia. The main causes identified for the way Belarus responded can be found in the EU - Russia conflict rather than the Abkhazian case individually.Show less
Examining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for...Show moreExamining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for independent human rights organisations to work in Russia and that this is unlikely to improve in the future unless significant legislative changes are made.Show less
This thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict...Show moreThis thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict rhetoric. It analyses official statements from 2012 to 2015. The Rogun Dam project is a hydropower project that was developed during Soviet times, but its construction was halted when the Soviet Union collapsed. Recently, the Tajik government announced its desire to resume the construction of the Rogun Dam in order to generate hydropower for economic purposes. Uzbekistan, as a riparian of the water flowing from Tajikistan, fiercely objected the construction plans. Therefore, the World Bank was asked to undertake feasibility studies on the hydropower project. As the feasibility studies proceeded, Uzbekistan appeared to seek different ways to oppose the construction of the Rogun Dam. In 2012, both Tajikistan and Uzbekistan appeared to be offensive towards each other in their official statements when mentioning the Rogun Dam. Over the course of time researched, tones towards each other softened. Both countries were also able to improve their bilateral relations on other issues than the Rogun Dam at the end of the period researched. Therefore, this thesis concludes that the official discourse on the Rogun Dam by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan does not invoke conflict rhetoric.Show less
The question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its...Show moreThe question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its political and military strength, the Russian state embarked on the (sometimes ambiguous) road of nation-building. Scholars of nationalism and Russian national identity have tried to analyze this ‘Russian Question’, whereby most concluded that there is not a coherent Russian national identity. In this sense, it is useful to look at national identity in some of Russia’s specific regions. This thesis analyzes this process in the case of Russia’s most-western region, Kaliningrad. This so-called exclave has only been part of Russian since the Second World War and due to its German history and geographical distance from homeland Russia, it occupies a special position inside the country. In the process of nation-building by the Russian state, officials cannot solely use ‘common’ Russian markers of identity but also have to take Kaliningrad’s ‘particular’ circumstances into account. This thesis therefore argues that the Russian nation-building process in Kaliningrad lies ‘between commonality and particularity’. It will analyze this two-sidedness through the symbolic, military and anti-Western dimensions of nation-building in Kaliningrad; the speeches and statements of Russian officials in this light are used as the main points of analysis.Show less
The Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat...Show moreThe Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat to the Russian Federation is terrorism linked to the North Caucasus. This thesis is based on Russian counter-terrorism policy in relation to public perceptions of the September 2004 tragedy of Beslan (North Ossetia). In September 2004, a school in Beslan was seized for three days by North Caucasian terrorists which resulted in a massacre with an extremely high number of hostages (1300), fatalities (372) and injuries (747). The Beslan tragedy is considered to be the Russian 9/11 and could, due to its magnitude and impact, theoretically be a turning point in counter-terrorism policy and public perceptions in the Russian Federation. However, the Beslan event has not been a significant turning point in Russian counter-terrorism legislation and laws, despite certain changes and amendments. Furthermore, despite relatively small reforms in the security services, these reforms have been considered to be primarily cosmetic and have not yielded significant results. Also, the perceptions of terrorism and the government’s efforts to combat terrorism among Russian citizens have not improved since Beslan. The rhetoric by the media and government seems to focus primarily on the ostensible success of its counter-terrorism approach. However, despite the qualification of Beslan as the Russian 9/11 and the changes in policy following the event, terrorist activity remains a serious part of daily life within the Russian Federation and any potential improvements in the near future are considered to be unlikely. Keywords: Russia, North Caucasus, Beslan, Terrorism, Counter-terrorismShow less
Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Central Asia has seen less conflict than initially expected. One of the anticipated sources of conflict has been the uneven distribution of natural...Show moreSince the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Central Asia has seen less conflict than initially expected. One of the anticipated sources of conflict has been the uneven distribution of natural resources between the five states. The theory of the relationship between resource abundance and scarcity and conflict are examined here and applied to the distribution of hydrocarbon and water resources in the region. Though especially water has become a serious issue in the region, it is concluded that it is as yet not acute enough to spark interstate conflict and dependence management policies that might spark internal conflict is largely not followed. However, should the situation continue to worsen or be compounded with other causes for conflict, this status quo may change.Show less
