This thesis provides a comprehensive exploration of the anarchistic perspective on the seminal event known as the Kronstadt uprising in 1921, widely acknowledged as one of the pivotal anti...Show moreThis thesis provides a comprehensive exploration of the anarchistic perspective on the seminal event known as the Kronstadt uprising in 1921, widely acknowledged as one of the pivotal anti-Bolshevik movements in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution. The research delves into the evolution and significance of anarchistic discourses, scrutinizing a diverse assortment of primary sources such as seminal book publications and contemporary newspaper issues. The objective is to unfold and dissect the layered perceptions and narratives, contributing to a deeper, multi-faceted understanding of this historical event within the context of anarchistic ideology.Show less
In light of the absence of Russian and Chinese responses to security related events in Central Asia, the security question of the region has gotten new attention. During mass unrests in 2022 in...Show moreIn light of the absence of Russian and Chinese responses to security related events in Central Asia, the security question of the region has gotten new attention. During mass unrests in 2022 in autonomous regions in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, the two big, self-proclaimed security actors of the region presented a deafening silence and did not intervene. This bared the question about Central Asian security and a potential realignment in security. This paper investigates the extent to which the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (SCO RATS) has facilitated security realignment in Central Asia over the past decade. Employing a combination of the Regional Security Complex Theory with institutional liberalism, the study utilizes comparative historical analysis and content analysis to examine the evolving Central Asian security situation in 2013 and 2022. It specifically evaluates the degree to which the SCO RATS, designed for military exercise and intelligence on terrorism sharing, has influenced the security realignment. The findings have confirmed a clear security alignment and furthermore suggested a shift in focus and actors. In comparison to 2013, Russia’s and its organisations position as a security guarantor has significantly weakened in 2022. However, Russia’s weakening did not lead to a clear shift of Central Asian states security politics towards China or its security organisations. Instead, Central Asia has embraced a more multilateral security strategy, emphasizing collaborative efforts through joint bilateral exercises and interregional links, instead of relying on a singular outside actor like it did in 2013. Despite its objectives, the SCO RATS has not provided China or SCO itself with a definitive mechanism to reorient the region towards China’s security orbit. This research contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the security dynamics in Central Asia of the last decade and the role played by the SCO RATS. By highlighting the region’s interconnectedness in various aspects of security and the security issues the region is facing, it underscores the need for exploration of the factors influencing security realignment and the region’s security politics to gain an understanding about the past and more important – the future of Central Asian security.Show less
This thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by Azerbaijani and Chinese politicians – asserting that the BRI has promoted Azerbaijan's economic growth – align with economic realities. This is examined through four facets: the BRI’s role in Azerbaijan's emergence as a transit hub, economic diversification, overall economic growth, and Sino-Azerbaijani cooperation beyond the transport sector. The results seem to suggest an association between BRI partnership and positive economic changes, such as economic diversification and GDP growth. However, the assertion that the BRI is the sole driver of these changes is premature, considering other influencing factors and the recent establishment of the BRI. Therefore, while political rhetoric may not entirely match the economic reality, the findings suggest potential for future bilateral benefits and economic growth. A need for further long-term research is needed to solidify any of the conclusions.Show less
This thesis analyzes the ongoing sociolinguistic development of Surzhyk and seeks to offer a preliminary classification of this language variety. Applying theories of contact language development...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the ongoing sociolinguistic development of Surzhyk and seeks to offer a preliminary classification of this language variety. Applying theories of contact language development and classification criteria to the case study of Surzhyk, a classification of Surzhyk as a fused lect or developing mixed language is suggested.Show less
The role of the Russian language in the context of the Ukrainian national identity has become an increasingly relevant question in the wake of the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russo...Show moreThe role of the Russian language in the context of the Ukrainian national identity has become an increasingly relevant question in the wake of the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War. With a domestic linguistic environment that is becoming increasingly hostile to the use of the Russian language, its role in the Ukrainian nation-state and implications for its use among Ukrainian native speakers of the Russian language remain significant. The following paper argues that the Russian language can remain a salient medium of national expression for Ukrainians, due to grammatical differences typical of Ukrainian variants of the Russian language which allow speakers to distinguish themselves from Russian speakers of the Russian language. This is possible through the differential use of the prepositions “в” (v) and “на” (na) when used in reference to Ukraine as a distinct and sovereign political entity. This hypothesis is proved through a survey conducted among Russian speaking constituencies from Russia, Ukraine, and other states of the former Soviet Union, which demonstrated statistically significant differences in grammatical usage and constructions among these constituencies in regard to Ukraine. As a result, the use of the Russian language in Ukraine, at least within this context, can be considered distinct from that as is spoken in Russia and the other states of the former Soviet Union.Show less
History has shown us that human language, and the media and mechanisms used to record it, are changeable. The languages of Uzbek and Kazakh are currently experiencing such transformation in the...Show moreHistory has shown us that human language, and the media and mechanisms used to record it, are changeable. The languages of Uzbek and Kazakh are currently experiencing such transformation in the form of an alphabet transition, in both cases from Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet. Uzbekistan officially commenced this reform in the early 1990s, with Kazakhstan following suit in 2017. Historically, both nations have switched alphabets on several occasions. Uzbekistan’s most recent attempt is widely considered a failure due to the length of time already involved, alongside the fact that it still remains far from complete. An examination of the shortcomings with Uzbekistan’s reform allows us to chronicle key factors involved in facilitating successful change; public opinion, education, politics, and linguistics. This thesis explores those factors within the Kazakhstani context through primary research. A survey was created with questions relating to the four factors and was taken by seventy-five respondents consisting of Kazakhstanis, Kazakh speakers, and several experts in the field of linguistics and alphabet reform. Quantitative and qualitative data was sought and compared to prior scholarship concerning Uzbekistan’s reform, in order to determine the likelihood that Kazakhstan’s reform would be more successful. Kazakhstan’s policymakers have no doubt attempted to learn from Uzbekistan’s mistakes. However, complications caused by COVID-19, in addition to a lack of public information coming from the government as well as an incomplete version of the Kazakh Latin alphabet could lead to Kazakhstan’s alphabet reform being dragged out over a long period of time, implying a potential failure akin to Uzbekistan’s. However, the study also determined that recently-elected Kazakhstani President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is dedicated to completing the reform in a conscientious and unhurried manner, thereby increasing Kazakhstan’s chances of successful Latinization. Serbia’s system of synchronic digraphia, officially utilizing both the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets, is a potential failsafe – or solution – in the outcome of a failed reform.Show less
The political history and lived experience of Russians in the Baltic states of Latvia and Estonia plausibly constitutes an historic example of civic Othering. The hybrid, multi-layered identities...Show moreThe political history and lived experience of Russians in the Baltic states of Latvia and Estonia plausibly constitutes an historic example of civic Othering. The hybrid, multi-layered identities and subjective perceptions of nationality amongst these communities have been covered by academic research. At the same time, Latvia and Estonia have engaged in the political dialogue of ‘Europeanization’ as Member States of the European Union, as part of a top-down process to understand and, at times, promote a common ‘European identity’, which has also been frequent analyzed and discussed in academic literature. While both these aspects of research have been extensive, there has been less contemporary investigation at their crossroads: European identity amongst Russians in Estonia and Latvia. This paper performs a ‘research synthesis’ type of meta-analysis on academic and policy papers to shed light on this potential gap between academic literature and policy research. Its conclusions have implications for researchers and practitioners of both kinds, as well as grounds to consider the gap as a form of ‘methodological Othering’ itself.Show less
In this thesis, it is researched how local initiatives regarding national identity in the city of Lida relate to the official political rhetoric about national identity. The ideas of Belarus as a...Show moreIn this thesis, it is researched how local initiatives regarding national identity in the city of Lida relate to the official political rhetoric about national identity. The ideas of Belarus as a European nation, Belarus as a neutral and self-sufficient nation and Belarus as a geopolitically predetermined nation are used as a framework in which the official political rhetoric and local initiatives in Lida are analysed. The conclusion of the thesis is that there is a discrepancy in Belarusian society regarding the official form of national identity and the local form present in Lida's society.Show less
This thesis analyzes the representation of Kazakhstan as a multiethnic nation in contemporary Kazakhstani cinema. Although much has been made of how the state has attempted to build the image of...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the representation of Kazakhstan as a multiethnic nation in contemporary Kazakhstani cinema. Although much has been made of how the state has attempted to build the image of Kazakhstan as inherently multiethnic, in focusing on film, this thesis hopes to go some way to exploring the representation of Kazakhstani mnogonational'nost' (multinational-ness) at the popular level. In doing so, the thesis argues that there are several competing representations of 'multiethnic Kazakhstan'. One, arguably the more prominent, represents Kazakhstani mnogonational'nost' in a totalized, essentialized and depoliticized manner reminiscent of Soviet categories of nationality. Other emerging representations, meanwhile, appear to offer more complexity.Show less
This research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT...Show moreThis research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT analysis. This analysis examines Russia's military capabilities, the operational environment in the Baltic states and the combination of the two.Show less
