Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
This study employs descriptive statistics and Difference-in-Differences (DID) analysis from 1990 to 2022 to investigate the impact of minimum wage policies on women's labor force participation...Show moreThis study employs descriptive statistics and Difference-in-Differences (DID) analysis from 1990 to 2022 to investigate the impact of minimum wage policies on women's labor force participation rates in the European Union (EU). The findings suggest that increases in the minimum wage have a modest but statistically significant positive effect on women's economic activity. Additionally, the analysis indicates that this impact varies depending on national socioeconomic conditions and existing labor market structures. While minimum wage policy alone cannot fully address gender inequality in the labor market, it can be a valuable tool for promoting women's workforce participation, particularly among low-income earners. This research fills a critical gap in the literature and informs policy discussions aligned with the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goal 5.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to...Show moreFollowing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to harsh economic sanctions against Russia. However, the German case is special: Due to historical reasons and – at the latest since 1990 – the expansion of political and economic networks, Germany has been heavily involved in EU-Russia relations and became Russia’s most important partner in Brussels. Against this background, this thesis attempts to answer the following question: Why did a major foreign policy change in Germany only happen in 2022 after the Russian invasion of Ukraine – and not already in 2014 after the Russian annexation of Crimea? This is done by performing a comparative case study and applying process tracing for the years 2014 and 2022 – enrichened by extensive interview research in Berlin with senior MFA officials, MPs specialised in foreign policy as well as with journalists. This thesis finds that in both years an exogenous political shock triggered the change process – but with a different scope. That is best explained by the reprioritisation and (partly) neglection of core pillars of German foreign policy – Ostpolitik, Wandel durch Handel, Westbindung, non-military foreign policy and historical responsibility – that occurred from 2014 to 2022.Show less
In an era marked by geopolitical tensions and the race for technological sovereignty, this study explores the divergent strategies and policy instruments employed by the United States (US) and the...Show moreIn an era marked by geopolitical tensions and the race for technological sovereignty, this study explores the divergent strategies and policy instruments employed by the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) in strengthening their semiconductor industries. Despite being economic powerhouses, the U.S. and the EU hold only about 12 percent and 10 percent of the global semiconductor manufacturing market share, respectively. This comparative analysis delves into the nuanced policy frameworks based on the Developmental Network State (DNS) model of targeted resourcing, brokering, facilitation, and protection in shaping their semiconductor policy. This thesis aims to provide insights that extend beyond mere policy descriptions, intended to inform policymakers, industry stakeholders, and academic scholars to understand the strategic underpinnings that are influencing the global competitive semiconductor industry.Show less
Na decennia van decentralisatie in het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid, is aan het eind van kabinet Rutte III een voorzichtige tendens richting centrale regie ingezet. Deze tendens is onder het...Show moreNa decennia van decentralisatie in het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid, is aan het eind van kabinet Rutte III een voorzichtige tendens richting centrale regie ingezet. Deze tendens is onder het kabinet Rutte IV, met onder andere de terugkeer van een minister voor Volkshuisvesting en Ruimtelijke Ordening, in een versnelling gekomen. Deze beweging past in het bredere concept van recentralisatie. Dit is een relatief nieuw en onderbelicht concept, zeker in de Europese context. Tegelijkertijd toont de huidige trend in het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid duidelijke tekenen van recentralisatie. Het doel van dit onderzoek is dan ook het vinden van oorzakelijke factoren voor de recentralisatie van het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid. Gebaseerd op bestaande theorieën verwacht het onderzoek dat de recentralisatie het gevolg is van crises als de asielcrisis, de stikstofcrisis en de COVID-19-pandemie aan de ene kant, en de verminderde lokale invloed van landelijke coalitiepartijen aan de andere kant. Deze verwachtingen zijn getoetst middels semigestructureerde interviews, welke onder een brede groep actoren zijn afgenomen. Ook is er gezocht naar alternatieve verklaringen voor de recentralisatie van het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid. De vooraf opgestelde verwachtingen worden niet, of slechts ten dele, ondersteund door het onderzoek. De verwachting dat crises een sterke invloed hebben gehad op de recentralisatie van het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid wordt slechts ten dele ondersteund. De verwachting dat recentralisatie het gevolg is van verminderde lokale invloed van landelijke coalitiepartijen wordt niet ondersteund door de resultaten. Wel blijkt uit de resultaten dat de recentralisatie van het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid past in een bredere (ideologische) trend van recentralisatie, en dat in deze ontwikkeling een grote rol is weggelecht voor gemeenten en individuele politici. Dit onderzoek beveelt onder andere aan om in volgend onderzoek verder te kijken naar deze alternatieve verklaringen voor de recentralisatie van het Nederlandse volkshuisvestingsbeleid.Show less
This research provides an empirical analysis of the latest international development aid strategy of the European Commission, namely, the Global Gateway. This new approach to the European Union’s ...Show moreThis research provides an empirical analysis of the latest international development aid strategy of the European Commission, namely, the Global Gateway. This new approach to the European Union’s (EU) development policy aims at developing equal partnerships through the correction of asymmetries of power as well as environmental and social inequalities. It notably puts a specific emphasis on the inclusion of the civil society in Global Gateway’s partnerships. The underlying empowerment of partner countries and the civil society through ‘local ownership’ and the objectives of the Global Gateway echo Manners’ notion of Normative Power Europe (NPE). This research investigates the synergies between the strategy and an NPE by asking: How can the inclusion of the civil society in the Global Gateway strategy contribute to a Normative Power Europe? It identifies how the participation of the civil society to avoid neo-colonial relations in the EU-Togo partnership can fulfil the three prerequisites of an NPE: i.e. an ‘action in concert’; a ‘simultaneous awareness’ and; a ‘non-adversarial relation’. Early studies suggest that the Global Gateway’s discourses replicate neo-colonial and prescriptive diffusion of norms. But these findings rely on publicly available documents from the European Commission, adopts a Eurocentric view of the strategy and don’t look at its practical application. This research takes these critics duly into account by analysing through an interpretative approach empirical material from both the EU and Togo, panel discussions of EU and partners’ leaders and semi-structured interviews with EU policy makers. Findings stress the centrality of policy makers’ intentions and visions vis-à-vis the Global Gateway. The instrumentalization of the strategy for economic and geopolitical purposes directly undermines the empowerment of EU partners despite effective civil society inclusion. If the EU were to be a normative power through the inclusion of civil society in the Global Gateway, it should make of development the principal objective of partnerships over trade and geopolitics.Show less
This paper seeks to find an answer to the question: "How does BlackRock interact with European industrial policies, such as the Green Deal, and what implications might this have for public...Show moreThis paper seeks to find an answer to the question: "How does BlackRock interact with European industrial policies, such as the Green Deal, and what implications might this have for public objectives?" Key findings suggest that BlackRock has a significant sphere of influence in and around the institutions that constitute the European Union. BlackRock hires strategically by employing former high-ranking government officials, people who have often overseen regulatory processes about BlackRock itself. Furthermore, BlackRock employees occupy strategic positions within several European bodies, such as the EFAMA. BlackRock is very pro-Green Deal to the outside world, but behind the scenes they actively lobby for policies that either delay or undo the Green-Deal policies. They don’t do this using the name “BlackRock” however, they do this through many different Trade Groups which BlackRock dominates. The study concludes that we can speak of a “regulatory capture” of these bodies. However, it is unclear if there is a causal relationship between BlackRock’s sphere of influence and European policy outcomes, and if there is, to which extent. To quantify that, we would need full access to insider information from BlackRock, something that is beyond the scope of this paper. BlackRock’s influence, however, is undeniable.Show less
This thesis investigates the representative bureaucracy theory within the context of the Dutch government. Specifically, it examines how conditions facilitating the translation from passive to...Show moreThis thesis investigates the representative bureaucracy theory within the context of the Dutch government. Specifically, it examines how conditions facilitating the translation from passive to active representation may explain potential differences in the degree of active representation of minority groups between New Professionals and Rijkstrainees. To explore this, a qualitative research method was employed, opting for a comparative case study. A total of 11 semi-structured interviews were conducted with trainees from both groups. The findings indicate that the selected factors, namely differences in trainee programs, policy congruence, internal political support, and external political support, have little to no impact on the degree of active representation. However, a difference in the degree of active representation between the two groups was identified. It was revealed that New Professionals more frequently engage in active representation. This difference appears to be primarily associated with distinctions in the approach of the recruitment processes of the programs, rather than with the goals or organizational structure of the programs.Show less
This thesis investigates the effects of government satisfaction and political trust on public attitudes towards the ‘social investment’ state in Italy. In the thirty years following the Second...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effects of government satisfaction and political trust on public attitudes towards the ‘social investment’ state in Italy. In the thirty years following the Second World War, advanced industrial economies established the welfare state to protect (male) breadwinners against income loss due to old age, disability, sickness, or unemployment. However, since the post-war years, the structure of social risks has changed dramatically. The dilemmas of modern societies comprise long-term unemployment, in-work poverty, precarious jobs, single parenthood, and a growing difficulty in reconciling work and family life. These challenges have called for a recalibration of the traditional welfare state towards a ‘social investment’ model focused on the generation, preservation, and mobilisation of human capital. However, welfare state recalibration remains, for some countries more than others, an arduous challenge. Welfare state institutions successfully adapted to the emergence of new social risks in the Nordic countries, but not in Southern Europe, still lagging behind. Why has it been so difficult for some welfare states to implement future-oriented strategies? Under which conditions would citizens be willing to accept welfare state modernisation based on social investment measures? Focusing on the Italian case, this thesis argues that a recalibration towards future-oriented reforms is complicated by the low levels of political trust that characterise the Italian welfare regime. Relying on micro-level data from the eight wave of the European Social Survey (ESS), the empirical analysis investigates the effects of governmental trust and satisfaction on the willingness of Italian citizens to support recalibration towards social investment, financed through retrenchment of existing social benefits or tax hikes. The evidence confirms that trust and satisfaction encourage the disposition of Italians to support investment-based reforms that are costly in action at present, with uncertain future outcomes. Overall, these findings suggest that governments’ trustworthiness broadens our understanding of the political viability of future-oriented policymaking under financially constrained scenarios.Show less
The European Union (EU) has been in perpetual crisis for more than a decade. By the end of the previous decade, the EU recognized the need to strengthen its climate policy to address the climate...Show moreThe European Union (EU) has been in perpetual crisis for more than a decade. By the end of the previous decade, the EU recognized the need to strengthen its climate policy to address the climate crisis. At the end of 2019, Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission (EC), declared the European Green Deal (EGD) as the new top priority. The EGD aims to achieve zero net greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, decouple economic growth from resource use, and ensure that no one and no place is left behind. This thesis explores how the grand EU integration theories, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism, can be used to explain the content of the EGD by conducting a theory-testing qualitative analysis case study. Does the EGD reinforce the power of member states or is it a symbol of European supranationalism?Show less
This thesis has investigated the extent to which expert advice on cross-cutting policy issues, as expressed by the WRR in its reports, led to political adoption at the national level in the...Show moreThis thesis has investigated the extent to which expert advice on cross-cutting policy issues, as expressed by the WRR in its reports, led to political adoption at the national level in the Netherlands. Text analysis of cabinet reactions showed levels of agreement indicating degrees of influence. High levels of agreement, and thus strong influence, were found. A supplementary citation analysis of parliamentary debates showed references to reports indicating types of influence. Very limited references were found. In conclusion, the WRR possesses expert influence to a great but limited extent.Show less
