This thesis examines the differences between the way in which religious extremism, violent extremism, and terrorism are conceptualised in counter-extremism policy in the Netherlands and the United...Show moreThis thesis examines the differences between the way in which religious extremism, violent extremism, and terrorism are conceptualised in counter-extremism policy in the Netherlands and the United States. The findings of this research are built upon a comparative qualitative content study. All content used for finding evidence are Dutch and US counter extremism public policy documents. In total 33 documents were analysed, 18 of them are Dutch policy documents and 15 of them are US policy documents. Based on these sources, this thesis found that religious extremism, violent extremism, and terrorism are conceptualised differently in Dutch and US counter-extremism policy. In Dutch counter-extremism policy, the conceptualisations stem from the securitisation of Islam as a religion. This leads to the fact that in the Dutch policy documents only Islam is mentioned as a religion that can become extreme, violently extreme and or bring forth terrorists. In contrast, this study found that in the US, religious extremism, religious violent extremism, and or terrorism are concepts that fall within a larger category named: Racially or Ethnically Motivated Extremism. Within this category, religion is discussed but unlike Dutch documents, no religion is mentioned specifically in the contextual conceptualization of religious extremism, violent extremism, and terrorism. An explainable reason for this is that certain religions such as the Islam might be less securitized in the US than in the Netherlands.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Following the controversy surrounding Qatar’s winning bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup, this thesis sets out to investigate the extent to which Qatar was able to harness soft power through its...Show moreFollowing the controversy surrounding Qatar’s winning bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup, this thesis sets out to investigate the extent to which Qatar was able to harness soft power through its hosting of this global competition. The research gap from which this research stems is that of authoritarians’ struggle in wielding soft power. Sports, being a field that is frequently instrumentalized for political purposes, is argued to be an attractive venue for authoritarians to overcome this struggle. Taking the fields of soft power, sports diplomacy, and Sports Mega-Event hosting as its theoretical foundations and the Sports Diplomacy Model by Abdi et al. (2018) as its design, this research uncovers observable implications of successful soft power wielding by Qatar. These implications are linked to state visits undertaken and received by Qatar, bilateral investment treaties Qatar has signed, and Qatari participation in international fora. The timeline spans from 2012 to 2022 and within the relatively small sample yielded by this research, slight increases in all three variables indicate that some degree of soft power was successfully harnessed by Qatar through its hosting of the World Cup.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Quasi states and their interaction within the international system remain chronically understudied. To date, Kosovo is the only recent example of a former quasi-state that has managed to proclaim...Show moreQuasi states and their interaction within the international system remain chronically understudied. To date, Kosovo is the only recent example of a former quasi-state that has managed to proclaim independence and be internationally recognized afterwards. While displaying similar characteristics, Nagorno-Karabakh remains unrecognized. United by their nonrecognition, quasi states frequently rely on diplomacy by diasporas for their advocacy and representation. This thesis therefore aims to investigate where this different outcome in terms of diaspora diplomacy originates. Using the concepts of diaspora positionality and diaspora mobilization for an interpretive comparison between Albanian diaspora diplomacy for Kosovo and Armenian diaspora diplomacy for Nagorno-Karabakh in American and European host-state contexts, this research finds that for the Armenian diaspora genocide recognition took precedence over Nagorno-Karabakh, while Kosovo united the Albanian diaspora as a whole which through a combination of historical factors and context awareness subsequently set in motion an irreversible process towards recognized independence. On these grounds, this thesis posits diasporas as determined diplomatic actors in their own right who can play a pivotal role in homeland recognition and therefore warrant further research.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Biodiversity is a transboundary issue that is subject to conceptualisation at different levels of environmental governance. The implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) is...Show moreBiodiversity is a transboundary issue that is subject to conceptualisation at different levels of environmental governance. The implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) is dependent on such conceptualisations, especially on national and regional levels. This thesis analyses national and regional dynamics that influence the interpretation and implementation of internationally determined CBD concepts. In order to study this, the research follows a critical discourse analysis methodology in addition to a stakeholder analysis. It included the effect of regional and national power relations on the conceptualisation of CBD concepts. Four court cases taking place in different countries across the globe were selected to include differentiating national and regional contexts. The findings of the analysis show that power relations among the involved stakeholders affect the way CBD concepts are framed and interpreted. The findings reveal that community stakeholders emphasised discourses that were the most oriented towards biodiversity conservation. This thesis stresses the importance of understanding where the discrepancies lie between nationally determined concepts and national and regional interpretations of them. This is of importance to the effective implementation of the CBD.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Consensus is an increasingly selected decision-making procedure in negotiations and institutions. As a more informal mode of negotiating and decision-making without voting, We propose a method of...Show moreConsensus is an increasingly selected decision-making procedure in negotiations and institutions. As a more informal mode of negotiating and decision-making without voting, We propose a method of coding and tracking consensus in The Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS), the foremost global organisation tasked with managing and improving states relations in space, by using its annual reports. By building a dataset of all COPUOS reports from 1990 to 2022, we model the presence and extent of consensus over time in against other quantitative data coded within the reports. We find an increasing number of views expressed over time, with the attainment of consensus mostly attributable to the substantive topic discussed. We also notice that factors related to less frequent attainment of consensus are often also associated with a higher strength of consensus. Non-state actors and developing countries are in some cases associated with increased attainment and strength of consensus.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
NAFO is a group of digital activists, primarily on Twitter, that seek to oppose Russian attempts to frame the discourse on the invasion of Ukraine. In this paper, I interviewed five members of the...Show moreNAFO is a group of digital activists, primarily on Twitter, that seek to oppose Russian attempts to frame the discourse on the invasion of Ukraine. In this paper, I interviewed five members of the organisation and subjected the resulting interviews to thematic analysis. The results show that NAFO as an organisation is shaped by the medium it operates on, being a highly decentralised group relying on grassroots action and leveraging the features of social media to effectively shape public opinion in favour of Ukraine through ridiculing Russian propagandists, using memes to convey their message, and flooding Russian propaganda accounts through mass-reports and dogpiles while relying on intragroup connectivity to ensure rapid response times. I also identified problems the organisation faces: the low barrier of entry meaning it’s easy for impostors to enter the group and attempt to disrupt it, and the ‘always-on’ nature of social media putting NAFO members at risk of burnout.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
With Europe striving towards net zero carbon emissions, green hydrogen is a key priority in EU energy policy due to its significant potential for decarbonizing energy-intensive industries. Germany,...Show moreWith Europe striving towards net zero carbon emissions, green hydrogen is a key priority in EU energy policy due to its significant potential for decarbonizing energy-intensive industries. Germany, Europe’s largest economy and carbon-emitter, significantly shapes EU energy policy with its domestic Energiewende model, and has been among the first member states to pursue an explicit global hydrogen strategy as part of its foreign policy. However, given the country’s energy import-dependence on Russia, the latter’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and resulting breakaway of Russo-German trade relations has invoked a Zeitenwende (‘turning point’) in Germany’s foreign policy: diverging from past narratives on economic interdependence and market-driven politics, geopolitical and national security considerations are becoming more pronounced. This ‘paradigm shift’ thus has important implications for Germany’s hydrogen strategy, a cornerstone in its current foreign policy. Drawing onto critical geopolitics, this paper critically examines Germany’s hydrogen discourse since the onset of the war, and its repercussions for Europe’s and the global energy transition. The critical discourse analysis of official speeches and statements by the government between February 2022 (i.e. shortly after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine) and March 2023 reveals how the German government constructs and rationalizes its identity, interests and spatial beliefs about the international system vis-á-vis Russia in its geopolitical discourse on hydrogen. Contextualizing and discussing the assumptions driving Germany’s hydrogen discourse in the context of EU and international energy governance sheds light on how the government’s narrative (re)produces the geopolitics of hydrogen, and promotes a competitive policy framework that might risk undermining more cooperative and equitable efforts in the global energy transition.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
This thesis studies the West’s engagement with local civil society organizations in Vietnam to promote LGBT human rights. By interviewing embassy employees of some Western countries and NGOs...Show moreThis thesis studies the West’s engagement with local civil society organizations in Vietnam to promote LGBT human rights. By interviewing embassy employees of some Western countries and NGOs officials, substantial data is collected, shedding light on the relationship in question. The findings of this study points to the benefits brought about by the West’s using local actors as a channel to diffuse LGBT norms, calling for a continuous collaboration. The outcomes also help address the gap embedded within the existing literature body.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Over the past decades, sanctions have played an increasingly prominent role in defining the geopolitical landscape. As demonstrated once again by the unprecedented number of sanctions targeting...Show moreOver the past decades, sanctions have played an increasingly prominent role in defining the geopolitical landscape. As demonstrated once again by the unprecedented number of sanctions targeting Russia since its invasion of Ukraine, sanctions today constitute one of the foreign policy tools most widely used by national governments and international organisations in response to crises in world politics. This is especially the case for the European Union, which is characterised by a twofold sanctioning activity. On the one hand, its position as an international actor is shaped by its capacity to impose sanctions targeting policies and activities worldwide; on the other hand, it has the authority to sanction its own Member States when they fail to respect its fundamental principles. This thesis investigates the possible relationship between these two parallel, but not irreconcilable, mechanisms. More specifically, it explores whether, and how, the presence of EU sanctions on its Member States affects public support for EU sanctions against third states. It does so by conducting a quantitative analysis of the data collected via a public opinion survey experiment, using Italy as a case study. This thesis concludes that, based on the data examined and the analysis performed, no evidence is found in support of a relationship between the presence of EU internal sanctions and public support for EU external sanctions. Nevertheless, since this potential correlation could have significant policy implications for the EU, future research should further investigate it.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Understanding the motivations of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and the ways Russia may respond to its current humiliation there is of paramount importance. To this end this thesis...Show moreUnderstanding the motivations of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and the ways Russia may respond to its current humiliation there is of paramount importance. To this end this thesis employs status theory to compare modern Russia’s to France’s to its defeat in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71. This comparison allows for the development of our understanding of the importance of status to state’s decision-making processes, as well as making clear the likelihood of a Russian need to re-assert its status. This thesis contends that this is most likely to be done via an expansion in their Outer Space efforts which runs the risk of kickstarting a Scramble for Space among major powers, just as France inadvertently began the scramble for Africa in 1881.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is certainly not the first instance in which humor emerged as a by-product of political turmoil. In times of extreme societal change, people must adapt physically and...Show moreRussia’s invasion of Ukraine is certainly not the first instance in which humor emerged as a by-product of political turmoil. In times of extreme societal change, people must adapt physically and mentally to survive. Yet, because these adjustments are not immediate, one reaction that can help people acclimate to new circumstances is humor. In answering the research question “What were the functions of digital Ukrainian humor in the first year of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine?”, this thesis finds that coping, cohesion, and criticism have emerged in as humor’s primary uses. Specifically, humor functions to create a buffer between old and new realities, define in- and out-groups, and form a medium for commentary. Yet, beyond this, through thematic discourse analysis, the thesis at hand also identifies the sub-categories of humor functions which help explain the means through which humor can meet the stress-relieving, superiority-affirming, or incongruity-resolving needs of groups and individuals in political turmoil. In turn, the thesis reaffirms that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine could be labeled a ‘TikTok War’, as the social media became the primary platform for the sharing of Ukrainian humor. In studying visual data, the research contributes to spotlighting the integral role of images as tools of political influence in the digital age and as artifacts the study of which enhances scholars’ holistic understanding of the ramifications of Russia’s invasion. With these findings, humor can be appreciated as a highly nuanced and conscious part of Ukrainian resistance and social resilience.Show less
Samenvatting Sinds 2000 wordt er meer aandacht besteed om een manier te vinden of representatieve bureaucratie kan bijdragen om hoogwaardige gezondheidszorg te blijven leveren aan een steeds meer...Show moreSamenvatting Sinds 2000 wordt er meer aandacht besteed om een manier te vinden of representatieve bureaucratie kan bijdragen om hoogwaardige gezondheidszorg te blijven leveren aan een steeds meer divers wordende bevolking. De manier van leiderschap zou kunnen bijdragen aan de mate representatie. Deze scriptie zal onderzoeken in hoeverre de transformationele en transactionele leiderschapsstijlen invloed hebben op de actieve representatie van gender en de sociaal- culturele achtergrond van de medewerkers binnen de GGZ-instelling Altrecht. Dit gebeurt aan de hand van de onderzoeksvraag: ‘In hoeverre hebben transformationeel en transactioneel leiderschap invloed op de actieve representatie van gender en sociaal-culturele achtergrond in de GGZ-instelling Altrecht?’ Door middel van kwalitatief, inductief onderzoek is er geprobeerd een antwoord te geven op deze vraag. Om te onderzoeken in hoeverre deze invloed bestaat zijn er zes interviews afgenomen met twee leiders binnen Altrecht en vier medewerkers die direct onder deze leiders werken. Uit dit onderzoek is gebleken dat het medewerkers gebruik maken van hun sociaal-culturele achtergrond in hun werk. In dit onderzoek had de mannelijke leider meer transactioneel leiderschap in verhouding met net wat meer transformationeel leiderschap van de vrouwelijke leider. Uit dit onderzoek kwam naar voren dat zowel de mannelijke als de vrouwelijke medewerkers sociaal-cultureel actief inzetten, dus beide geslachten evenveel. Op basis van de onderzochten factoren is er geen bewijs gevonden dat de leiderschapsstijl een directe invloed heeft op de actieve representatie van de sociaal-culturele achtergrond van de medewerkers. Evenzo is er geen bewijs gevonden dat gender hier invloed op heeft. Er is wel een aanwijzing gevonden dat als de leider zich openstelt en zich uitspreekt naar de medewerkers, dat dit mogelijk invloed heeft op de actieve representatie van de sociaal-culturele achtergrond. Om antwoord te geven op de hoofdvraag: ‘In hoeverre hebben transformationeel en transactioneel leiderschap invloed op de actieve representatie van gender en sociaal-culturele achtergrond in de GGZ-instelling Altrecht?’ Is het antwoord, dat de manier van leiderschap weinig tot geen invloed heeft op de sociaal- culturele actieve representatie van de medewerkers in de GGZ-instelling Altrecht.Show less
This thesis examines the importance of emotions in populist theory. Müller (2017) argued that emotions are not a core element of populist theory, this thesis however will criticize the argument...Show moreThis thesis examines the importance of emotions in populist theory. Müller (2017) argued that emotions are not a core element of populist theory, this thesis however will criticize the argument made by Müller based on a case study of the political party the FVD. In the case study the discourse of twitter messages and news articles from the FVD were analyzed for the presence/use of emotions using the critical discourse method. This study demonstrates that in the case of the FVD emotions are prevalent in their discourse and are therefore a large element of the FVD. The findings in this study are contrary to Müller’s (2017) theory on populism. This research contributes to the discussion on whether emotions are an important factor in populist theory. However, this study focuses only on one case study and has therefore some limitations.Show less
When the Russian forces initiated a shelling aimed at Europe's biggest nuclear power plant in Zaporizhzhia in March 2022, everyone seemed to be paying close attention. Experts were invited to speak...Show moreWhen the Russian forces initiated a shelling aimed at Europe's biggest nuclear power plant in Zaporizhzhia in March 2022, everyone seemed to be paying close attention. Experts were invited to speak during news and interviewed for numerous news articles. This paper tests four Science Communication models on expert interviews about the Russian attack on the nuclear power plant to find out which models experts most frequently use. The four models were tested at the hand of six communication themes, which resulted in 26 six distinct codes. The performed content analysis shows a preference for the Deficit Model and the Networked Model of Science Communication. Nevertheless, this paper concludes that strictly adhering to one Science Communication model may not always be effective communication. A suggestion is made to reflect on the models critically and to use the best practices from any model for the appropriate situation.Show less
Amartya Sen set the often-cited theory that democracy, in its nature, averts famine. Still, famine struck Malawi in 2002, Niger in 2005, and Madagascar in 2021, which were all regarded as...Show moreAmartya Sen set the often-cited theory that democracy, in its nature, averts famine. Still, famine struck Malawi in 2002, Niger in 2005, and Madagascar in 2021, which were all regarded as democracies at the respective time. Sen’s theory thus fails to explain these as it does not account for factors that incapacitate the famine-averting nature of democracy. Three incapacitating factors were identified as thematic continuities: poverty of the state making relief efforts unaffordable, foreign agency that limits the possible scope of action, and a lack of interest from the press and international donors that undermine the theorized mechanics.Show less
This study focussed on the relation between countries along the East China Sea, mainly Japan and China in their conflict around the Senkaku Islands. The dispute around the Senkaku Islands has...Show moreThis study focussed on the relation between countries along the East China Sea, mainly Japan and China in their conflict around the Senkaku Islands. The dispute around the Senkaku Islands has resulted in different tactics from both countries, where they seek to walk on the boundaries. Studies related to the conflict of the Senkaku Islands are often focussed on the diplomatic and naval actions between the two countries. This study presents the usage of cyberspace diplomacy. Not only in military space Japan sails a pacifist route, towards using cyberspace Japan refrains from aggression. However, as this study shows, China does make use of cyberspace when voicing their opinions on diplomatic disputes. Both countries claiming the Senkaku Islands makes for an interesting case. The study has found that China refrains from escalating the conflict through cyberspace.Show less
