The main research question of this thesis is “to what extent has the position of women within Afghan society regressed since the 2021 Taliban takeover?” This paper will analyse how the recent shift...Show moreThe main research question of this thesis is “to what extent has the position of women within Afghan society regressed since the 2021 Taliban takeover?” This paper will analyse how the recent shift in Afghan governance has impacted the social status of women in Afghanistan. The social status indicators will be “labour force participation,” political participation,” “education,” and “healthcare”. In contrast to many other studies in the field, this thesis also highlights the importance of the cultural and historical context of Afghanistan since its independence in 1919. Using a variety of literature, research, and reports, this thesis’ findings show that most of the progress made post-2001 has almost completely disappeared since the 2021 government shift in Afghanistan.Show less
The post-Cold War transnational nature of security threats asks for intelligence and security cooperation. In addition, within the global order of interdependence, a regional approach to security...Show moreThe post-Cold War transnational nature of security threats asks for intelligence and security cooperation. In addition, within the global order of interdependence, a regional approach to security have become increasingly important. As a result of the US-led War on Drugs, Colombia has become apparent for its role as a security exporter in the ‘South-South’ context. However, what has been neglected in academia, is the wider convergence in Latin America concerning the altered regional security environment and the drivers that allowed the shift from traditional ‘North-South’ towards ‘South-South’ intelligence cooperation. This paper presents the application of Regional Security Complex Theory towards Colombia’s geopolitical position and liaison relationships in 21st-century Latin America. By examining English as well as Spanish news sources and academic research, it shows that a variety of interrelated push-and-pull factors and have caused Colombia’s emerging disintegration from the South American Regional Security Complex. More importantly, it reveals that the War on Drugs resulted in Colombia becoming a benchmark in anti-narcotics security and intelligence cooperation and the ‘Colombianization of Mexico’. Ultimately, it caused wide-ranging bilateral intelligence initiatives between Colombia and Mexico as well as triangular agreements in which Colombia acts as a proxy for United States interests. These patterns of amity culminated in Mexico becoming the largest recipient of security and intelligence cooperation from Colombia worldwide.Show less
This thesis examines to what extent authoritarianism persists in Chile's intelligence and security services since democratisation in 1990. The scars left by the oppressive regime of Augusto...Show moreThis thesis examines to what extent authoritarianism persists in Chile's intelligence and security services since democratisation in 1990. The scars left by the oppressive regime of Augusto Pinochet, and the brutal practices of the DINA and the CNI, continue to impact Chile and its intelligence agencies. The intelligence agencies cannot operate effectively due to the historical legacy of authoritarianism within Chilean intelligence services, this thesis examines which indicators affect the intelligence agencies. Incorporating evidence from literature and polling data, this thesis demonstrates three major factors in how authoritarianism persists in the Chilean intelligence services. This thesis argues that the deep-rooted issues of fear, distrust, polarisation, and their consequential effects present significant obstacles for the intelligence services to function optimally. The influence of the Pinochet era on the intelligence landscape of Chile is profound, as the regime relied heavily on repressive intelligence operations. The transition to democracy marked an important turning point, but the legacy of authoritarianism continues to cast a long shadow over the intelligence services. The trauma experienced during the Pinochet era has engendered fear, a deep lack of trust and polarisation, which negatively influence intelligence services.Show less
Abstract This paper focuses on the impact of democratic decay on the intelligence services in Ecuador. It assesses what specific events led to organizational and legislative changes within the...Show moreAbstract This paper focuses on the impact of democratic decay on the intelligence services in Ecuador. It assesses what specific events led to organizational and legislative changes within the national intelligence system of Ecuador. Both changes in capabilities and practices of the intelligence services will be discussed, focusing on the period after 2007 until the present day. The creation of new intelligence agencies takes a central role in this discussion. The Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia (DNI), the Secretaría Nacional de Inteligencia (Senain) and the Centro de inteligencia estratégica (Cies) are thoroughly analysed and compared to one another. The organizational goals, practices and capabilities of these agencies are further discussed and synthesized within the analysis portion of this paper. The legislative frameworks within these intelligence agencies perform their duties is provided in a conceptual framework section. To look at specific events that led to changes in the Ecuadorian national intelligence system, press data collection was performed. Articles that met the inclusion criteria were collected from online news archives, Factiva and Google news archives. The Columbian raid near Angostura, the 2010 police revolt, multiple instances of fraud and instances of political espionage are discussed in this manner. Democratic decay played an important part in why these events were able to impact the intelligence services in Ecuador. These intelligence services were impacted by democratic decay in a multitude of areas, such as target selection, means of obtaining information, leadership, organizational capabilities, transparency and fiscal oversight.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of intelligence and security cooperation between the United States and Mexico for fighting the Mexican War on Drugs since 2006. This year marks the presidency of...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of intelligence and security cooperation between the United States and Mexico for fighting the Mexican War on Drugs since 2006. This year marks the presidency of Calderón in Mexico, and the start of his distinctive policy against cartels. He signed the Mérida Initiative with American President George W. Bush in 2007, creating a framework for bilateral intelligence and security cooperation to combat drug trafficking and the influence of drug trafficking organisations on society and democracy in Mexico. Gathering evidence from congressional research service reports, Spanish and English press material, and academic literature from Mexican sources, as well as from American sources, this study reveals that intelligence and security cooperation between the US and Mexico for fighting the War on Drugs has evolved from a violent top down strategy under Presidents Calderon and Peña Nieto, and with intense American involvement to a less violent bottom up strategy under the presidency of Obrador with less American involvement, aiming for a rather holistic proposal. The study reveals that governments cannot reduce levels of violence in society and threats to democracy by using more violence.Show less
Peru along with most other countries in Latin America has a history of authoritarian rule and repression. Since 2000, the country has undergone democratic reforms which prove to be slow in progress...Show morePeru along with most other countries in Latin America has a history of authoritarian rule and repression. Since 2000, the country has undergone democratic reforms which prove to be slow in progress and obstructed by the legacy left behind by Fujimori and Montesinos’ regime in the 1990s. With the purpose of contributing to a currently scarce pool of literature on intelligence studies in Latin America, this paper seeks to assess to which extent these authoritarian legacies continue to persist in Peru’s intelligence services after its official transition to democracy in 2000. Using press material, official documents, academic literature and further secondary sources, this paper collected information on scandals and controversies involving the intelligence services and its practices. By drawing comparisons to aspects mentioned in the historical context and conceptual framework, this paper was able to illustrate the extent to which authoritarianism still remains within the intelligence apparatus. Based on the results that show instability in combination with a general lack of interest in reform and hence a continuation of intelligence practices deemed undemocratic, illegitimate, disorganized, and highly politicized, it can be concluded that authoritarian legacies still remain in today’s intelligence services to a large extent. Furthermore, the paper reflects on its reliability and validity in regards to its research design and data, stating that due to Peru’s lack of legal frameworks concerning intelligence agencies, it remains challenging to clearly outline their structure and functions.Show less
A single party ruled Mexico for over 70 years, despite having a constitution and a revolution to implement it. The role of the intelligence services in the democratization process of Mexico is...Show moreA single party ruled Mexico for over 70 years, despite having a constitution and a revolution to implement it. The role of the intelligence services in the democratization process of Mexico is largely ignored and lacks academic resources. How were the intelligence services in Mexico formed? How were they affected by the democratization of Mexico? What role did the Mexican intelligence services play in the democratic transition? How is intelligence understood in the Mexican context? What are the challenges that the services have and is facing? This thesis seeks to answer these questions by using qualitative methodology. The concepts of National Security, Intelligence and Federalism are used to analyze the sources consulted Keywords search in academic databases was conducted in order to recomplicate the available sources. An interview with a former operative was also conducted, in order to fill the gaps in the available knowledge compendium and to give a professional opinion on several matters pertaining the role of the services throughout history. The lack of professionalization, a clear legal mandate, and a cohesive intelligence community have been important factors that have affected the Mexican intelligence services throughout its history.Show less
Rwanda and Burundi have both experienced a long history of violence between the two ethnic groups the Hutus and Tutsis. This violence has escalated into several examples of genocidal killings over...Show moreRwanda and Burundi have both experienced a long history of violence between the two ethnic groups the Hutus and Tutsis. This violence has escalated into several examples of genocidal killings over the twentieth century, namely in the 1990’’s. This thesis examines and compares the ethnopolitical histories of Rwanda and Burundi and looks at postgenocidal efforts taken in terms of peacebuilding and transnational justice in both countries, followed by a close look at what the current day relational peace between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi looks like, with the ultimate goal to find out to what extent peacebuilding efforts in Rwanda and Burundi are loosening ethnic tensions between the Hutus and Tutsis. Burundi’s peacebuilding efforts including equal ethnic representation in its government structures was found to be an effective tool of improving Hutu and Tutsi relations, while Rwanda’s method of ethnic amnesia was found to allow ethnic dominance to remain active within Rwanda to a lesser extent than it was pre-genocide.Show less
The need for non-Western perspectives on International Relations (IR) remains central to the critical discourse of ‘decolonizing’ the study. In recent years, the discussion of a Chinese School had...Show moreThe need for non-Western perspectives on International Relations (IR) remains central to the critical discourse of ‘decolonizing’ the study. In recent years, the discussion of a Chinese School had become more contentious as scholars have different thoughts on the existence, validity, and necessity of a school with Chinese characteristics. The dominant approaches to researching IR, therefore, are still grounded in Western understanding of the world. Hence, as an effort to critically assess the evolution of Chinese security thinking, this paper used both Western theory knowledge in tandem with Chinese way of looking at security to understand the interplay between the two. Developments in IR studies in China coincided with many threat perception by the United States and elsewhere, exemplified by the concepts of “peaceful rise” in response to “China threat” discourse in Western academia and policy circles. From another perspective, Chinese leaders have had differing views on security, which the centralized decision-making process in Chinese government showed nuances of interests. Historical trends in foreign policy suggested that China had moved away from state-centric realism security thinking and towards regionalism and multilateral cooperation in the international arena. For this reason, I contend that the Belt and Road Initiative is the perfect example of Chinese shift in regional security and diplomacy.Show less
The Darién Gap is a dense jungle between Panama and Colombia, often described as the most dangerous jungle in the world. This Gap serves as a transit zone for illicit drugs and arms trafficking in...Show moreThe Darién Gap is a dense jungle between Panama and Colombia, often described as the most dangerous jungle in the world. This Gap serves as a transit zone for illicit drugs and arms trafficking in and out of Colombia and Panama reaching the entire hemisphere. However, since the start of the Latin American migration crisis, the Darién Gap has begun to serve as a major transit zone for human migration. This thesis seeks to understand "what is the importance of the Darién Gap in tackling Transnational Organized Crime across Latin America? This is done by deploying qualitative thematic analysis and interviews with experts from the United States Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), the Colombian Military Intelligence Unit, and the Peruvian Navy. As a result, it is highlighted how a nexus between transnational organized crime and human migration began to emerge in the region. It demonstrates how organized groups in the region have expanded their operational capabilities while at the same time their operational reach. Due to the lack of governmental presence, more groups have emerged in the Gap. Therefore, it is argues how the Darién Gap has emerged as a new frontier for transnational organized crime in the Latin American region.Show less
Since the People’s Republic of China was created in 1949, one of its main objectives has been the reunification of all its territory. In recent years, China has focussed increasingly on the...Show moreSince the People’s Republic of China was created in 1949, one of its main objectives has been the reunification of all its territory. In recent years, China has focussed increasingly on the securitisation of the Hong Kong independence movement and Taiwanese independence to achieve this unification. This thesis conducts a comparative case study, using securitisation theory, where China’s security strategy on Hong Kong and Taiwan is compared. It analyses the influence of colonial periods over Hong Kong and Taiwan’s current domestic politics, focusing on the years 1841 to 1997. Furthermore, it studies China’s security approach to Hong Kong and Taiwan in the 21st century and how this approach has influenced local responses in Hong Kong and Taiwan. This research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis, focussing on policy documents and speeches by Chinese officials. It argues that the colonial history of Hong Kong and Taiwan, the perceived and legitimate legal authority of China, the successfulness of securitisation of the local independence movements, and the response of both citizens and local politics all influence China’s security strategy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan all influence China’s security strategy.Show less
The US withdrawal from Afghanistan was one that was marked by chaos and violence. There have been numerous inquisitions as to what wrong, from those within all sectors of the US government from...Show moreThe US withdrawal from Afghanistan was one that was marked by chaos and violence. There have been numerous inquisitions as to what wrong, from those within all sectors of the US government from State Department, Depart of Defense, to Congress. The findings of these organizations often result in playing the blame game, passing the fault on for the failed withdrawal onto a separate sector. This thesis examines why the withdrawal failed from a strategic standpoint rather than from an infrastructural outlook. The research highlights key aspect of the US withdrawal strategies employed in Iraq and Afghanistan to discover what factors differed between the two. This thesis recommends that the US reform it’s withdrawal strategy by finding solutions to combatting decreasing resilience of US presence caused by decreasing US capabilities during withdrawals.Show less
For more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished...Show moreFor more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished population and terrorise the region. Due to the lawlessness, terrorist organisations have expanded their operations across the borders and have become transnational threats. In response, states in the region have turned to regional organisations for support. The African Union and ECOWAS are seen as crucial security actors in the region as they have supported and participated in counterterrorism operations. However, recently these organisations have been less active on this front, and states have instead established ad-hoc multinational anti-terrorism coalitions. These have become the FC-G5S, which operate in Mali, and the MNJTF, in the Lake Chad Basin. As this shift in security actors has become apparent, it is essential to understand how each organisation contributes to counter-terrorist operations. The increasingly complex array of security actors in the West African Sahel, marred by funding issues and logistical constraints, calls for more research on their activities and how they intersect. Therefore, this thesis provides an analysis of each organisation’s efforts, their effectiveness, and how they compare using a New Regionalist Approach.Show less
Brazil has been facing a high level of insecurity in its urban areas for decades. The highest crime rates are linked to poor Afro-Brazilians living in one of the many slums, or favelas. Scholarly...Show moreBrazil has been facing a high level of insecurity in its urban areas for decades. The highest crime rates are linked to poor Afro-Brazilians living in one of the many slums, or favelas. Scholarly literature mainly examines the causes and effects of this insecure situation in Brazil’s disadvantaged neighbourhoods and the struggle of the Brazilian government to securitise these areas. This thesis research will analyse to what extent and how the government can provide security in the Brazilian favelas and to what extent and how non-governmental actors take this into their own hands. By taking Rio de Janeiro as a case study, this research argues that the government is only to a limited extent able to provide security in these areas. Violent drug gangs control a majority of the favelas and are often supported by a loyal local community. Non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) indirectly influence the security situation by reporting on abuse cases and providing educational and recreational programs.Show less
The United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, are recognized as the...Show moreThe United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, are recognized as the primary international agreements targeting trafficking in persons (TIP). Although they are nearly universally ratified, their efficiency is debated and research assessing their impact is scarce. This single case study strives to evaluate the Protocol’s efficiency in countering TIP in Nigeria by analyzing the achievement of its three purposes: preventing and combating TIP, protecting and assisting victims, and increasing cooperation. This study discovered that the Protocol led to impressive progress in Nigeria, including the development of an agency dedicated to TIP, legislation ensuring prosecution, capabilities committed to rehabilitation, and prevention campaigns. However, the Protocol’s purposes have yet to be achieved successfully due to an inadequate implementation caused by minimal prosecution, limited cooperation, corruption, and human rights violations. Furthermore, the number of victims continues to increase in Nigeria at a much faster rate than arrest and conviction rates. Therefore, the Nigerian government, civil society actors, inter-governmental organizations, regional organizations, Member States, and other relevant actors must continue their efforts to achieve the Protocol’s purposes, utilize the Protocol’s full potential, and efficiently counter TIP in Nigeria.Show less
