Development cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives...Show moreDevelopment cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives tied to the latter. To be sure, that notion is applicable to the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTFA), born in the wake of the 2015 migrant crisis out of a desire to severely limit migration to the EU. Although it was created as an emergency fund, its scope and organisational design do not reflect this label and have ever outgrown it, until the merging of the EUTFA in the European Commission’s new ‘Global Europe’ instrument in 2021. This paper analyses 8 EUTFA programmes along a frame of public administration theory and various relevant literature. In concert with EUFTA reports it answers multiple questions aimed at understanding the influence of organisational design on development cooperation, specifically in the complex environment of a politically laden fund. Do domestic policies take precedence over aiding countries in the European Neighbourhood?Show less
Deploying a novel conception framework offering new understandings of familialism and the policy logic of PRR party family, this study will argue that the Republican Party’s family welfare policy...Show moreDeploying a novel conception framework offering new understandings of familialism and the policy logic of PRR party family, this study will argue that the Republican Party’s family welfare policy overlaps with that of European PRRPs to a currently limited and inconsistent, but significantly growing extent. Evidence from South Carolina and Wyoming—two of the four states selected for investigation to provide a cross-section of the party—indicates concerted familialisation, while data from Florida and Indiana implies GOP support fortification of the care role of the traditional family is conditional on exclusion of the Other, socially, ethnically, and nationally defined. Both policy offerings are understood as features of PRRP welfare logics concerning the family, but the substantial cross-state variation and continuance of long-standing neoliberal policy choices are too significant to decisively assert a Republican Party re-alignment with a radical right logic on the family. Nonetheless, intensified support for the ‘natural’ family since the early-mid 2010s can be discerned across all cases, leaving open the prospect of a truer policy overlap in the future. From this, the contributions of this study are two-fold: a clearer picture of an oft-posited but ill-understood transatlantic transmission of radical right logics, and an original, conceptually rigorous means to investigate it.Show less
This paper examined eight cases of counterinsurgency warfare to uncover conditions that lead to the use or non-use of Private Military Companies in military conflict by minor powers. This was done...Show moreThis paper examined eight cases of counterinsurgency warfare to uncover conditions that lead to the use or non-use of Private Military Companies in military conflict by minor powers. This was done through the use of a crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, which combines aspects of both quantitative as well as qualitative approaches. The conditions that were identified as having an impact on PMC involvement are: danger to the political leadership due to continuation of the conflict, quality of equipment and training soldiers receive, and whether the conflict has reached a stalemate. In the universe of cases presented in this paper the most important factor for predicting the use or non-use of PMC’s seems to be whether the political leadership is in danger due to the continuation of the conflict. This is highlighted through case studies of the Sierra Leone Civil War and the Bougainville Conflict. In Sierra Leone, the capital was surrounded which led to the use of PMC’s. In Papua New Guinea the prime minister felt politically threatened, leading to him contacting a PMC. However, the rest of the government and army were not directly threatened by the conflict and thus condemned the use of this PMC, leading to the cancellation of the contract.Show less
The Euromaidan revolution in Ukraine led to protests, violence, violations of human rights, and more than a hundred people lost their life. During the three months of protest (2013-2014), multiple...Show moreThe Euromaidan revolution in Ukraine led to protests, violence, violations of human rights, and more than a hundred people lost their life. During the three months of protest (2013-2014), multiple intergovernmental organisations made statements regarding the violence and called for action against the Ukrainian government. This paper investigates how much influence those intergovernmental organisations have on the decision-making of the Ukrainian government regarding the protests by using press releases. This paper finds that intergovernmental organisations have indeed influence while limited in the decision-making. This is seen due to the use of discourse analysis.Show less
This paper addresses the effect of EU identity on EU citizens’ support for integrative EU policy. Based on the social identity approach it is hypothesized that positive relationship between these...Show moreThis paper addresses the effect of EU identity on EU citizens’ support for integrative EU policy. Based on the social identity approach it is hypothesized that positive relationship between these variables exists. Additionally the study attempts to replicate the findings of Carey (2002) that national identity strength impairs support for EU integration. Quantitative deductive research is conducted using Eurobarometer (2022) data. The models control for levels of income and education, political beliefs, and trust in national government. Results from seven binary logistic regressions and two multiple linear regressions show significant effects of EU identity on support for integrative EU policy and indicate that EU identity is a valuable addition to more established theories of support for EU integration. Furthermore, this study contradicts the findings of Carey (2002) that national identity strength hampers EU support.Show less
This thesis will analyze the effect of the 2015 reform, which restructured the Dutch student financial aid structure, on students’ reported effort, motivation, and satisfaction. From September 2015...Show moreThis thesis will analyze the effect of the 2015 reform, which restructured the Dutch student financial aid structure, on students’ reported effort, motivation, and satisfaction. From September 2015 onwards, new Dutch students were not automatically eligible for a so-called basic grant. Instead, these students were now only able to loan this money. Prior research has shown how this has increased parental contributions to students and lowered student expenditure (Broeders, Been & Knoef, 2020). But since criticism in Dutch society rose due to unfulfilled promises of extra investments into the higher education system and reports stating that students are experiencing more stress due to stricter finances (NOS, 2019; ISO, 2019), it also seems appropriate to research if this reform affected students’ effort and motivation and satisfaction. The findings of this study are mainly in line with our expectations. This study finds that the 2015 reform positively affects reported effort and motivation. We also find a decrease in reported satisfaction, but this result is not statistically significant. The coefficients of the effects are small, and therefore there are no major effects visible on reported effort and motivation.Show less
This research examines the link between transparency and accountability, by adopting a Single Case-Study design. It studies how the Rijks ICT-dashboard, a transparency-platform listing all Dutch...Show moreThis research examines the link between transparency and accountability, by adopting a Single Case-Study design. It studies how the Rijks ICT-dashboard, a transparency-platform listing all Dutch governmental IT-projects that cost over 5 million Euros, affects and is affected by, the relationships that together make political accountability. Political, civil service and oversight interviews as a main source have been supplemented by examining parliamentary records. We conclude that the Rijks ICT-dashboard generally does not succeed in leading to more accountability. Members of Parliament lack the time and knowledge to structurally and actively monitor IT-based policy execution through using the Dashboard, rather depending on external ‘fire-alarms’ for their information, and as such tend to focus on failing IT-projects. When using the Dashboard’s data, MPs tend to question its validity and trustworthiness instead of using it to ask substantive questions. Civil servants fear failure-related consequences instigated by this incident-driven political debate, and tend to use a wide array of strategies to ‘dodge’ reporting on the Dashboard. This leads to a further distrust amongst both parties, and to MPs demanding more transparency out of principle, with little understanding of its practical and structural use. It can be expected that this leads to further dodging. As such, the Dashboard is a product of negative characteristics of the relationship of political accountability, and in turn further reinforces these characteristics. To mitigate this negative cycle, we advise a higher update-frequency, and a major shift in emphasis from quantitative to qualitative transparency on the Dashboard, focusing on linking IT-projects to the political debates, actively showing projects’ successes and societal value, and aiming to keep the barriers to use the information as low as possible.Show less
This study argues that Russia’s cyber operations against Ukraine can be explained by a continuation of an old set Soviet legacy theories: deep operation theory, reflexive control theory and...Show moreThis study argues that Russia’s cyber operations against Ukraine can be explained by a continuation of an old set Soviet legacy theories: deep operation theory, reflexive control theory and political warfare. By using these theories Russia aims to create an advantage in the long-term competition and to alter the Western perception of its strategic intentions. Many scholars have argued Russia’s strategies are new forms of hybrid warfare, cyber warfare or informational warfare, while their actual strategic framework might just be a continuation of old theories. This study aims to answer the research question: “To what extent are Russia’s cyber operations against Ukraine guided by a coherent cyber strategy?” by analysing Russia’s cyber operations against Ukraine and attempts to start a debate on the gap in the current literature on a coherent Russian cyber strategy.Show less
In the last few decades, Public Administration research has seen an increase of studies on relations at the centre of the executive in various systems. An important part of this is the question if,...Show moreIn the last few decades, Public Administration research has seen an increase of studies on relations at the centre of the executive in various systems. An important part of this is the question if, and in what way, Prime Ministers have seen an increase in their influence in government. This question also holds particular relevance in the context of European Union member states, as the European Council – the body consisting solely of heads of state and government – has seen an increase in relevance in European cooperation. Building on these ideas, this thesis discusses the influence of the Dutch Prime Minister on the Netherlands’s EU policy. Considering the Netherlands has a tradition of strongly decentralised government and strong departmental ministers, the question of increasing Prime Ministerial influence in EU affairs is of particular interest in this context. The thesis builds on the existing literature by examining how two individual Dutch Prime Ministers have shaped their roles in EU policy. To do so, it draws a comparison of the two most recent Prime Ministers – Jan Peter Balkenende and Mark Rutte. These Prime Ministers are compared using two sets of two case studies, in which they faced similar policy problems in EU policy. On one hand, both Balkenende and Rutte faced the rejection of proposed EU legislation in a national referendum (the European Constitution in 2005 and the Association Agreement with Ukraine in 2016, respectively), and on the other, both faced a significant financial crisis with a European component (the 2008 Banking Crisis and the Euro Crisis which started in 2010, respectively). This thesis finds that the two Prime Ministers took a very different approach regarding the Prime Minister’s role in EU policy. First of all, Balkenende was more reluctant to encroach on the policy areas of other ministers, while Rutte was involved in EU policy to a larger extent. Secondly, in terms of communication on EU policy, Balkenende often communicated broader visions on the EU, while Rutte clearly presented himself as a pragmatic problem-solver in EU policy. What this shows is that the role of the Dutch Prime Minister in EU is by no means developing in a linear way, but rather depends strongly on the actions and beliefs of the individual Prime Minister.Show less
