This study seeks to find out how far-right groups influence the radicalization trajectories of individuals, by analyzing six autobiographies of violent right wing extremists. This study uses...Show moreThis study seeks to find out how far-right groups influence the radicalization trajectories of individuals, by analyzing six autobiographies of violent right wing extremists. This study uses thematic analysis guided by Kruglanki and colleagues’ Significance Quest Theory (2009; 2014). It has uncovered themes regarding problematic childhoods, violent ideologies, and violence as means to gain significance within these groups. This study shows that a traumatic childhood makes individuals more vulnerable to far-right group recruitment, as they want to belong somewhere. These far-right groups promoted ideologies driven by violence, and therefore has led the individuals down a path of violence in order to belong. Eventually the studied individuals found out that their violent actions increased their status within these far-right groups and the white supremacist network, that they missed out on in their childhoods.Show less
Radicalization and terrorism research has been growing in funding and prestige over the last decades. This is partially due to the ‘War on Terror’ which has been raging for more than two decades...Show moreRadicalization and terrorism research has been growing in funding and prestige over the last decades. This is partially due to the ‘War on Terror’ which has been raging for more than two decades and shows no sign of slowing down. The need for practical application of the research has made that the field has become relatively one sided and occupied with ‘the other’. This research seeks to bridge that gap. To this extent this research focuses on the universal nature of radicalization and justification for violence. It does so by comparing and contrasting two very different groups. On one side Muslim extremists and on the other Western war criminals. The research was conducted applying thematic analysis to six autobiographies written by the violent individuals. Several universal themes were found which all lead to the application and justification of violence towards a civilian population. However, notable differences were also found which again emphasizes the complex nature of radicalization research. Overall, this paper shows that there are themes and perspectives which have not been touched upon by contemporary research and urges for more exploration of the topic. This paper, with its exploratory nature, aims to be the foundation on which future research can be performed.Show less
As one of the longest lasting ongoing conflicts, the Genocide in Darfur has prompted condemnation from the international community for nearly two decades. Most explanation of the violence used by...Show moreAs one of the longest lasting ongoing conflicts, the Genocide in Darfur has prompted condemnation from the international community for nearly two decades. Most explanation of the violence used by the Sudanese government center on ethnic tensions between African and Arab tribes, but fewer analyses have applied the concept of genocide as strategy to the case of Darfur. This qualitative research approaches the conflict through a constructivist lens by applying two theories that fit this mold, Draining the Sea and Genocidal Consolidation. Through an analysis of the genocide’s timeline constructed from public and academic sources, it concludes that the government’s actions conform to President al-Bashir’s objective of retaining his position, but not that the mass killings were strictly meant to starve rebels of their support base.Show less
Ever since the rise of computers, society has undergone a massive transition with the introduction of cyberspace. This new domain brought many opportunities, but also many new threats to...Show moreEver since the rise of computers, society has undergone a massive transition with the introduction of cyberspace. This new domain brought many opportunities, but also many new threats to governments and citizens worldwide. This paper focusses on one of the main cyber threats of this time: cyber espionage. This research discusses how the official position of the Dutch government regarding cyber espionage has evolved from 2011 onwards. As a heavily digitalized country that greatly contributes to the regulation of cyberspace and cyber espionage in international fora, the Netherlands is the ideal country to analyse. This is done by looking at policy documents and official statements of Dutch government officials at international fora. Two case studies – the DigiNotar hack in 2011 and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons hack in 2018 – illustrate how policy is put to practice.Show less
Neighbourhood watches are not uncommon in the Netherlands. However, it is not common for them to take a proactive stance and detain and pursue suspects. The aim of this paper wasto discover the...Show moreNeighbourhood watches are not uncommon in the Netherlands. However, it is not common for them to take a proactive stance and detain and pursue suspects. The aim of this paper wasto discover the issues of legitimacy of proactive neighbourhood watches in the Netherlands. To do this a case-study of the well-known proactive neighbourhood watches in the Netherlands, Kootwijkerbroek and Neder-Betuwe, was conducted. First, the two networks were analysed using Whelan’s (2015) five levels of analysis. Second, the neighbourhoodwatches are tested along the lines of democratic, legal and social legitimacy. As a result, it became apparent that the proactive neighbourhood watches struggle on all fronts of legitimacy, except local social legitimacy.Show less
To tackle transboundary crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU seeks effective coordination between its Member States. However, the COVID-19 crisis response in the EU proved uncoordinated...Show moreTo tackle transboundary crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU seeks effective coordination between its Member States. However, the COVID-19 crisis response in the EU proved uncoordinated and inconsistent. The EU lacks regulatory power to oblige states to act. It is therefore dependent on the states' willingness to cooperate. This cooperation is essential as the EU exists for similar cross border challenges. Both effective crisis response and EU relevance depend on efficient coordination in the EU. Successful securitisation of a phenomenon can increase the cooperation of Member States. Thus, this study investigates how the EU framed COVID-19 as a threat to the EU Member States. Specifically, this study analyses to what extent the EU securitised COVID-19 until 15 April 2020. Securitisation is a theoretical framework developed by the Copenhagen School to explore how political matters become security issues through the use of security language. Discourse analysis, a qualitative research approach, allowed for exploring the securitisation of COVID-19 in speeches and statements by the European Commission. Coding the documents provided a systematic overview of the methods employed to frame COVID-19 as an external threat to the EU. The results demonstrate three main approaches utilised to convey the threat: a) linguistically implying unification before framing COVID-19 as an external threat to the union; b) indicating seriousness and urgency through vocabulary choices; and c) stressing the importance less directly through extensive use of idioms. In conclusion, the EU securitised COVID-19 to a large and varied extent. The question remains whether the securitising moves were adequate, as the EU crisis response proved uncoordinatedShow less
This paper concerns the Christchurch shooter Brenton Tarrant and the American conservative commentator Candace Owens. When Owens was named in Tarrant’s manifesto as an inspiration, news media...Show moreThis paper concerns the Christchurch shooter Brenton Tarrant and the American conservative commentator Candace Owens. When Owens was named in Tarrant’s manifesto as an inspiration, news media spread the idea that this was an insincere statement by Tarrant. This idea went from news media and can now be found academic and reputable think tank publications. This paper makes the case that this idea has no firm grounding. Furthermore, this paper makes the case that Tarrant was influenced by Owens. This is established by looking at ideological similarities, Tarrant’s anti-black racism, writing and humour in Tarrant’s manifesto, and addressing counter arguments. The conclusion is that there is a strong case for the position that Owens did influence Tarrant and a very weak case for that not to be true.Show less
Radicalization and extremism remain ill-defined definition in academia. This paper aims to add on existing knowledge by means of an thematic analysis of three autobiographies written by former...Show moreRadicalization and extremism remain ill-defined definition in academia. This paper aims to add on existing knowledge by means of an thematic analysis of three autobiographies written by former members of Islamic extremist organizations. By applying a theoretical lens of Social Identity Theory, this research suggests that childhood identities emerge and change overtime as result of the rejection of a former identity or when identities function as either a protective mechanism or sense of certainty.Show less
The global landscape has become increasingly more reliant on digital infrastructures over the last decades, this makes the United Kingdom more vulnerable to cyber-attacks. In response to this, the...Show moreThe global landscape has become increasingly more reliant on digital infrastructures over the last decades, this makes the United Kingdom more vulnerable to cyber-attacks. In response to this, the UK has published the National Cyber Security Strategy 2016-2021 to make the country more secure and resilient in cyberspace. Within cyber warfare, Russia is seen as the UK’s most capable cyber adversary who has an offensive cyber campaign. To find out to what extent deterrence strategy works within the National Cyber Security Strategy 2016-2021 regarding Russian cyber-attacks, this research covers the elements of deterrence strategy within the five-year plan and discovers the nature of the Russian cyber threat. Analysis of applicability of the policy plan towards Russian cyber-attacks and two Russian cyber-attacks will show that elements of deterrence strategy in the National Cyber Security Strategy 2016-2021 are indirectly trying to deter the Russian cyber-attacks. However, if the deterrence is successful remains up for debate.Show less
Responses to major cyber-attacks diverge because states securitize the concepts of territory, borders, and sovereignty in cyberspace differently. By adopting a framework of critical geopolitics and...Show moreResponses to major cyber-attacks diverge because states securitize the concepts of territory, borders, and sovereignty in cyberspace differently. By adopting a framework of critical geopolitics and securitization theory, this paper explores the influence of geographical assumptions on states’ responses to major cyber-attacks. It argues that a state’s view on the applicability of territory, borders, and sovereignty in cyberspace, provides the state with a rationale for a specific response to a major cyber-attack. This argument is made through case studies of the Estonian response to the 2007 DDoS attacks against Estonia, the U.S. response to the Sony Pictures hack, and the U.K. response to the Wannacry ransomware attack that severely affected the NHS.Show less
This research aims to identify the challenges to the effectiveness of a Cyber Security Raad (CSR) to understand the applicability of the concept “security networks” in real-life. Security networks...Show moreThis research aims to identify the challenges to the effectiveness of a Cyber Security Raad (CSR) to understand the applicability of the concept “security networks” in real-life. Security networks are collaborations between interdependent structures with a shared goal. This type of organizational structure is recent and under-researched making it extremely important to test this theoretical foundation. Therefore, a case study of CSR is chosen to explore the effectiveness of the security network. Next to that, a document analysis provided an overview of the council, its tasks, and its outcomes. This thesis demonstrates that there are three challenges to the effectiveness of CSR as a security network. First, a CSR does not provide an overview of the financial and bureaucratic proceedings raising the question of accountability. Second, the council lacks research planning leading to the absence of activity overview and tasks allocation. Third, a CSR does not clearly explain cooperation with other actors and what these actors do. This study is significant as it informs about the possibility of applying “security networks” to a case. It also provides valuable feedback on research design for academia and recommendations for CSR, respectively.Show less
This research aims to identify potential differences and commonalities in the role of social identity across different radicalisation contexts. It conducts a thematic analysis on four (auto...Show moreThis research aims to identify potential differences and commonalities in the role of social identity across different radicalisation contexts. It conducts a thematic analysis on four (auto)biographic accounts to analyse the main themes of the selected Cases radicalisation in relation to their social identity. From this analysis, three themes are defined. The first theme being the development of a social identity during (early) childhood. The second theme is the continuation of the development of the social identity and radicalisation based on negative childhood experiences as evidenced in the Neo-Nazi Cases. The third theme is the development of the social identity and radicalisation based on positive childhood experiences as evidenced in the cult-member Cases. This paper then identifies the role of charismatic leaders in the exploitation and radicalisation of individual social identity Identities. Finally, this research makes a concluding remark on its limitations and potential future research.Show less
The terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant...Show moreThe terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant differences in ideology, both through their style and their content. This paper explores to what extent these differences can be reconciled under the same concept of far-right ideologies. This research project, based on grounded theory, consisted of a discourse analysis applied on both manifestos. The two manifestos, selected in accordance with theoretical sampling, were coded in three steps, following the Charmaz approach to grounded theory. The manifestos mainly exhibited, to significantly different extents, four principal aspects: a) conspiracy theories, b) the construction of a nationalist identity and antagonization of ‘internal’ enemies, c) the stigmatization and targeting of groups due to ethnic or religious differences, and d) the interrelatedness of right-wing extremist ideologies and various subcultures, mostly stemming from the internet. All four of these aspects have been documented in other pieces of right-wing extremist writings, showing the difficulty of clearly delimiting the concept of right-wing extremism or even more precise movements contained within it.Show less
The Israeli-Hezbollah conflict is an interesting case from a Strategic Studies perspective. Considering the theoretical difficulties in deterring violent non-state actors (VNSAs), there is an...Show moreThe Israeli-Hezbollah conflict is an interesting case from a Strategic Studies perspective. Considering the theoretical difficulties in deterring violent non-state actors (VNSAs), there is an ongoing debate in the field regarding the appropriateness of applying deterrence strategies. It appears that Israel has managed to deter Hezbollah since the end of the Second Lebanon War (2006). To test if this is the case and assess its implications for the appropriateness of deterrence strategies vis á vis VNSAs, this paper set out to answer two research questions: “Has Israel’s military strategy vis á vis Hezbollah maintained deterrence over Hezbollah in the period of 2017-2020?” and ”What can Israel’s deterrence strategy vis á vis Hezbollah tell about the appropriateness of deterrence strategies when dealing with VNSAs?”. This paper employed desk research and uses a variety of sources to collect data. The data is analysed using a thematic analysis. The findings are placed within the framework of Rational Deterrence Theory’s (RDT) core assumptions. Based on Israel’s declared deterrence strategy, its ability to meet the core assumptions of RDT and Hezbollah’s hesitancy to escalate vis á vis Israel in response to consistent Israeli attacks, it appears that Hezbollah is currently deterred by Israel. Furthermore, Israel’s ability to deter Hezbollah, shows that VNSAs are deterrable under certain conditions. Hezbollah’s rationality, unitary nature, and limited motivation for conflict vis á vis Israel contributes to their deterrability as a VNSA. Furthermore, Israel’s informal adoption of the Dahiya Doctrine has allowed the Jewish state to maintain the theoretical ability to target Hezbollah’s high value assets, a core assumption of RDT. In light of Israel’s experience of using deterrence strategy to deal with Hezbollah, the academic community should be careful about disregarding traditional theories of deterrence when dealing with VNSAs.Show less
Russian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades,...Show moreRussian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades, been accepted as a strategic concept into the doctrinal documents of key Western military actors, including NATO and the EU. This paper argues that analysts misinterpret Russia’s operational, context-dependent opportunism in Ukraine as a holistic strategic method. So, in order to examine the extent to which Russian actions in Ukraine are actually strategic and whether the contemporary hybrid warfare concept improves or stifles that understanding, this paper examines the following: to what extent is Russian so-called hybrid warfare in Ukraine strategic? Three key events in the Russo-Ukrainian War are analysed using classical theory on strategy as a guiding framework, making use of a thematic case study analysis. It is shown that Russian actions in Ukraine are classically strategic to a highly limited extent because (1) battle is not always central and (2) Russian political coordination is either absent or opportunistic. Russian actions in Ukraine thus do not indicate a holistically integrated strategic method – which Western observers have eagerly dubbed hybrid warfare. Rather, the reality shows a method of operational opportunism enabled by a permissive political and battlespace-context. Hybrid warfare therefore does not merit adoption as a strategic concept, because it is not strategic. Using hybrid warfare as a strategic concept thus dilutes what we perceive to be strategic – and what we perceive to be warfare – proving the importance of testing new concepts against classical wisdom.Show less
