Deploying a novel conception framework offering new understandings of familialism and the policy logic of PRR party family, this study will argue that the Republican Party’s family welfare policy...Show moreDeploying a novel conception framework offering new understandings of familialism and the policy logic of PRR party family, this study will argue that the Republican Party’s family welfare policy overlaps with that of European PRRPs to a currently limited and inconsistent, but significantly growing extent. Evidence from South Carolina and Wyoming—two of the four states selected for investigation to provide a cross-section of the party—indicates concerted familialisation, while data from Florida and Indiana implies GOP support fortification of the care role of the traditional family is conditional on exclusion of the Other, socially, ethnically, and nationally defined. Both policy offerings are understood as features of PRRP welfare logics concerning the family, but the substantial cross-state variation and continuance of long-standing neoliberal policy choices are too significant to decisively assert a Republican Party re-alignment with a radical right logic on the family. Nonetheless, intensified support for the ‘natural’ family since the early-mid 2010s can be discerned across all cases, leaving open the prospect of a truer policy overlap in the future. From this, the contributions of this study are two-fold: a clearer picture of an oft-posited but ill-understood transatlantic transmission of radical right logics, and an original, conceptually rigorous means to investigate it.Show less
Decennia aan onderzoek wijst uit dat de verhouding tussen de politieke en de ambtelijke sfeer een van de meest bediscussieerde onderwerpen binnen de bestuurskunde is. Dit komt doordat er regelmatig...Show moreDecennia aan onderzoek wijst uit dat de verhouding tussen de politieke en de ambtelijke sfeer een van de meest bediscussieerde onderwerpen binnen de bestuurskunde is. Dit komt doordat er regelmatig frictie bestaat tussen de politiek en de uitvoering, wat een soepele beleidsopzet en beleidsimplementatie in de weg staat. In tijden van de wereldwijde coronapandemie is de Nederlandse overheid er echter in geslaagd om de Noodmaatregel Overbrugging voor behoud van Werkgelegenheid (NOW) bijzonder snel te ontwikkelen en door te voeren in de praktijk. Dit roept vragen op over of de coronacrisis wijzigingen heeft aangebracht in de politiek- ambtelijke verhoudingen ten voordele van beleidsontwikkelingen en implementaties. In dit kwalitatieve onderzoek wordt aan de hand van het bekende principaal-agent model en het relatief nieuwe principaal-steward model een samenwerkingsvisie bestudeerd die de nieuwe politiek-ambtelijke verhoudingen tussen het Ministerie van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegenheid en het Uitvoeringsinstituut Werknemersverzekering omschrijft. Een continuüm-benadering van de modellen laat zien dat mede als gevolg van de NOW-regeling elementen van het principaal- steward model hun intreden doen in een overheersend principaal-agent relatie tussen het ministerie en de uitvoeringsorganisatie. Het onderzoek concludeert dat de NOW-regeling onderdeel uitmaakt van een bredere tendens die ervoor zorgt dat politiek-ambtelijke verhoudingen aan verandering onderhevig zijn en dat de context hier bovendien een primaire rol in speelt.Show less
This thesis will analyze the effect of the 2015 reform, which restructured the Dutch student financial aid structure, on students’ reported effort, motivation, and satisfaction. From September 2015...Show moreThis thesis will analyze the effect of the 2015 reform, which restructured the Dutch student financial aid structure, on students’ reported effort, motivation, and satisfaction. From September 2015 onwards, new Dutch students were not automatically eligible for a so-called basic grant. Instead, these students were now only able to loan this money. Prior research has shown how this has increased parental contributions to students and lowered student expenditure (Broeders, Been & Knoef, 2020). But since criticism in Dutch society rose due to unfulfilled promises of extra investments into the higher education system and reports stating that students are experiencing more stress due to stricter finances (NOS, 2019; ISO, 2019), it also seems appropriate to research if this reform affected students’ effort and motivation and satisfaction. The findings of this study are mainly in line with our expectations. This study finds that the 2015 reform positively affects reported effort and motivation. We also find a decrease in reported satisfaction, but this result is not statistically significant. The coefficients of the effects are small, and therefore there are no major effects visible on reported effort and motivation.Show less
This research examines the link between transparency and accountability, by adopting a Single Case-Study design. It studies how the Rijks ICT-dashboard, a transparency-platform listing all Dutch...Show moreThis research examines the link between transparency and accountability, by adopting a Single Case-Study design. It studies how the Rijks ICT-dashboard, a transparency-platform listing all Dutch governmental IT-projects that cost over 5 million Euros, affects and is affected by, the relationships that together make political accountability. Political, civil service and oversight interviews as a main source have been supplemented by examining parliamentary records. We conclude that the Rijks ICT-dashboard generally does not succeed in leading to more accountability. Members of Parliament lack the time and knowledge to structurally and actively monitor IT-based policy execution through using the Dashboard, rather depending on external ‘fire-alarms’ for their information, and as such tend to focus on failing IT-projects. When using the Dashboard’s data, MPs tend to question its validity and trustworthiness instead of using it to ask substantive questions. Civil servants fear failure-related consequences instigated by this incident-driven political debate, and tend to use a wide array of strategies to ‘dodge’ reporting on the Dashboard. This leads to a further distrust amongst both parties, and to MPs demanding more transparency out of principle, with little understanding of its practical and structural use. It can be expected that this leads to further dodging. As such, the Dashboard is a product of negative characteristics of the relationship of political accountability, and in turn further reinforces these characteristics. To mitigate this negative cycle, we advise a higher update-frequency, and a major shift in emphasis from quantitative to qualitative transparency on the Dashboard, focusing on linking IT-projects to the political debates, actively showing projects’ successes and societal value, and aiming to keep the barriers to use the information as low as possible.Show less
In the last few decades, Public Administration research has seen an increase of studies on relations at the centre of the executive in various systems. An important part of this is the question if,...Show moreIn the last few decades, Public Administration research has seen an increase of studies on relations at the centre of the executive in various systems. An important part of this is the question if, and in what way, Prime Ministers have seen an increase in their influence in government. This question also holds particular relevance in the context of European Union member states, as the European Council – the body consisting solely of heads of state and government – has seen an increase in relevance in European cooperation. Building on these ideas, this thesis discusses the influence of the Dutch Prime Minister on the Netherlands’s EU policy. Considering the Netherlands has a tradition of strongly decentralised government and strong departmental ministers, the question of increasing Prime Ministerial influence in EU affairs is of particular interest in this context. The thesis builds on the existing literature by examining how two individual Dutch Prime Ministers have shaped their roles in EU policy. To do so, it draws a comparison of the two most recent Prime Ministers – Jan Peter Balkenende and Mark Rutte. These Prime Ministers are compared using two sets of two case studies, in which they faced similar policy problems in EU policy. On one hand, both Balkenende and Rutte faced the rejection of proposed EU legislation in a national referendum (the European Constitution in 2005 and the Association Agreement with Ukraine in 2016, respectively), and on the other, both faced a significant financial crisis with a European component (the 2008 Banking Crisis and the Euro Crisis which started in 2010, respectively). This thesis finds that the two Prime Ministers took a very different approach regarding the Prime Minister’s role in EU policy. First of all, Balkenende was more reluctant to encroach on the policy areas of other ministers, while Rutte was involved in EU policy to a larger extent. Secondly, in terms of communication on EU policy, Balkenende often communicated broader visions on the EU, while Rutte clearly presented himself as a pragmatic problem-solver in EU policy. What this shows is that the role of the Dutch Prime Minister in EU is by no means developing in a linear way, but rather depends strongly on the actions and beliefs of the individual Prime Minister.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
The phenomenon called the Involuntary Celibate movement is quick to grow on the internet as well as violent attacks that are related to these so-called "Incels". Mainly in North-America these...Show moreThe phenomenon called the Involuntary Celibate movement is quick to grow on the internet as well as violent attacks that are related to these so-called "Incels". Mainly in North-America these violent incel attacks occur. The discussion in this thesis is how the North American states view these attacks and the incel movement overall in order to respond or anticipate to it. Along with that, this thesis sheds light on the difficulty of categorizing such a phenomenon. Looking at the definition of terrorism, it remains a daily struggle to have a collective meaning for it. This thesis helps to create more awareness about the involuntary celibates, and provide insights of possible dangers that come along with them. Moreover it discusses the political discourse of categorizing and defining such occurrences. It discusses how different actors within Canada and North America perceive the phenomenon and how they believe are correct reaction is. This thesis furthermore provides a piece that goes more in-depth on the specific characters, and create a framework of the incels that might be useful for instances to have idea what this movement entails.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
In two cases of the decision to deploy military forces, Bosnia and Uruzgan, the role of the Dutch intelligence culture in the decision-making process and the role Dutch strategic culture within the...Show moreIn two cases of the decision to deploy military forces, Bosnia and Uruzgan, the role of the Dutch intelligence culture in the decision-making process and the role Dutch strategic culture within the Dutch Intelligence culture is researched.Show less
This thesis looks at the relation between the number of embassies a country has abroad and the inflow of Foreign Direct Investment within the respective country. The analysis is based on a Fixed...Show moreThis thesis looks at the relation between the number of embassies a country has abroad and the inflow of Foreign Direct Investment within the respective country. The analysis is based on a Fixed Effects model with panel data from 169 countries collected from 2000 until 2020. There was no public dataset available for the number of embassies. As such, the data for this variable was manually calculated for every single country for every single year. In the analysis it becomes clear that the number of embassies is relevant and significant to determine the FDI inflow. However, the population and the proportion of internet users in a country prove to be more significant and contribute more to the model than the number of embassies. This thesis confirms results from previous research, namely that a broader diplomatic network has a positive effect on trade relations. Its rationale can be found in the new statistical aspects, since it uses a Fixed Effects model, rather than a gravitational model. Moreover, this incorporates both longitudinal and cross-sectional data, whereas previous research solely deployed longitudinal data of one country or cross-sectional data of one year.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
2023-03-30T00:00:00Z
Twenty-seven years after the swiss military compulsory service officially allowed women to serve in the same position as men, their numbers remain scarce. They officially represent under one per...Show moreTwenty-seven years after the swiss military compulsory service officially allowed women to serve in the same position as men, their numbers remain scarce. They officially represent under one per cent of military forces. Meanwhile, several decision-makers call for a transformation of this balance, either to reach ten per cent of women in the ranks or to include them completely in the draft group. This research finds that women have played a key role in the military in the past 100 years and that they have been systematically invisibilised. The analysis shows that the military and the state in Switzerland is male centred (Peterson, 1992; Sjoberg, 2009), that women were prevented from gaining the status of an actor in the military practice despite filling that role, and that the military is highly dependent on women’s unpaid labour. The analysis of women’s presence and how it is reported to the public show that women comply with gendered norms rather to challenge them to be accepted in the military. Therefore, this research argues that a specific gender-sensitive policy would be necessary to attain the announced goals.Show less
