Rwanda and Burundi have both experienced a long history of violence between the two ethnic groups the Hutus and Tutsis. This violence has escalated into several examples of genocidal killings over...Show moreRwanda and Burundi have both experienced a long history of violence between the two ethnic groups the Hutus and Tutsis. This violence has escalated into several examples of genocidal killings over the twentieth century, namely in the 1990’’s. This thesis examines and compares the ethnopolitical histories of Rwanda and Burundi and looks at postgenocidal efforts taken in terms of peacebuilding and transnational justice in both countries, followed by a close look at what the current day relational peace between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi looks like, with the ultimate goal to find out to what extent peacebuilding efforts in Rwanda and Burundi are loosening ethnic tensions between the Hutus and Tutsis. Burundi’s peacebuilding efforts including equal ethnic representation in its government structures was found to be an effective tool of improving Hutu and Tutsi relations, while Rwanda’s method of ethnic amnesia was found to allow ethnic dominance to remain active within Rwanda to a lesser extent than it was pre-genocide.Show less
The need for non-Western perspectives on International Relations (IR) remains central to the critical discourse of ‘decolonizing’ the study. In recent years, the discussion of a Chinese School had...Show moreThe need for non-Western perspectives on International Relations (IR) remains central to the critical discourse of ‘decolonizing’ the study. In recent years, the discussion of a Chinese School had become more contentious as scholars have different thoughts on the existence, validity, and necessity of a school with Chinese characteristics. The dominant approaches to researching IR, therefore, are still grounded in Western understanding of the world. Hence, as an effort to critically assess the evolution of Chinese security thinking, this paper used both Western theory knowledge in tandem with Chinese way of looking at security to understand the interplay between the two. Developments in IR studies in China coincided with many threat perception by the United States and elsewhere, exemplified by the concepts of “peaceful rise” in response to “China threat” discourse in Western academia and policy circles. From another perspective, Chinese leaders have had differing views on security, which the centralized decision-making process in Chinese government showed nuances of interests. Historical trends in foreign policy suggested that China had moved away from state-centric realism security thinking and towards regionalism and multilateral cooperation in the international arena. For this reason, I contend that the Belt and Road Initiative is the perfect example of Chinese shift in regional security and diplomacy.Show less
The Darién Gap is a dense jungle between Panama and Colombia, often described as the most dangerous jungle in the world. This Gap serves as a transit zone for illicit drugs and arms trafficking in...Show moreThe Darién Gap is a dense jungle between Panama and Colombia, often described as the most dangerous jungle in the world. This Gap serves as a transit zone for illicit drugs and arms trafficking in and out of Colombia and Panama reaching the entire hemisphere. However, since the start of the Latin American migration crisis, the Darién Gap has begun to serve as a major transit zone for human migration. This thesis seeks to understand "what is the importance of the Darién Gap in tackling Transnational Organized Crime across Latin America? This is done by deploying qualitative thematic analysis and interviews with experts from the United States Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), the Colombian Military Intelligence Unit, and the Peruvian Navy. As a result, it is highlighted how a nexus between transnational organized crime and human migration began to emerge in the region. It demonstrates how organized groups in the region have expanded their operational capabilities while at the same time their operational reach. Due to the lack of governmental presence, more groups have emerged in the Gap. Therefore, it is argues how the Darién Gap has emerged as a new frontier for transnational organized crime in the Latin American region.Show less
Since the People’s Republic of China was created in 1949, one of its main objectives has been the reunification of all its territory. In recent years, China has focussed increasingly on the...Show moreSince the People’s Republic of China was created in 1949, one of its main objectives has been the reunification of all its territory. In recent years, China has focussed increasingly on the securitisation of the Hong Kong independence movement and Taiwanese independence to achieve this unification. This thesis conducts a comparative case study, using securitisation theory, where China’s security strategy on Hong Kong and Taiwan is compared. It analyses the influence of colonial periods over Hong Kong and Taiwan’s current domestic politics, focusing on the years 1841 to 1997. Furthermore, it studies China’s security approach to Hong Kong and Taiwan in the 21st century and how this approach has influenced local responses in Hong Kong and Taiwan. This research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis, focussing on policy documents and speeches by Chinese officials. It argues that the colonial history of Hong Kong and Taiwan, the perceived and legitimate legal authority of China, the successfulness of securitisation of the local independence movements, and the response of both citizens and local politics all influence China’s security strategy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan all influence China’s security strategy.Show less
The US withdrawal from Afghanistan was one that was marked by chaos and violence. There have been numerous inquisitions as to what wrong, from those within all sectors of the US government from...Show moreThe US withdrawal from Afghanistan was one that was marked by chaos and violence. There have been numerous inquisitions as to what wrong, from those within all sectors of the US government from State Department, Depart of Defense, to Congress. The findings of these organizations often result in playing the blame game, passing the fault on for the failed withdrawal onto a separate sector. This thesis examines why the withdrawal failed from a strategic standpoint rather than from an infrastructural outlook. The research highlights key aspect of the US withdrawal strategies employed in Iraq and Afghanistan to discover what factors differed between the two. This thesis recommends that the US reform it’s withdrawal strategy by finding solutions to combatting decreasing resilience of US presence caused by decreasing US capabilities during withdrawals.Show less
For more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished...Show moreFor more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished population and terrorise the region. Due to the lawlessness, terrorist organisations have expanded their operations across the borders and have become transnational threats. In response, states in the region have turned to regional organisations for support. The African Union and ECOWAS are seen as crucial security actors in the region as they have supported and participated in counterterrorism operations. However, recently these organisations have been less active on this front, and states have instead established ad-hoc multinational anti-terrorism coalitions. These have become the FC-G5S, which operate in Mali, and the MNJTF, in the Lake Chad Basin. As this shift in security actors has become apparent, it is essential to understand how each organisation contributes to counter-terrorist operations. The increasingly complex array of security actors in the West African Sahel, marred by funding issues and logistical constraints, calls for more research on their activities and how they intersect. Therefore, this thesis provides an analysis of each organisation’s efforts, their effectiveness, and how they compare using a New Regionalist Approach.Show less
Brazil has been facing a high level of insecurity in its urban areas for decades. The highest crime rates are linked to poor Afro-Brazilians living in one of the many slums, or favelas. Scholarly...Show moreBrazil has been facing a high level of insecurity in its urban areas for decades. The highest crime rates are linked to poor Afro-Brazilians living in one of the many slums, or favelas. Scholarly literature mainly examines the causes and effects of this insecure situation in Brazil’s disadvantaged neighbourhoods and the struggle of the Brazilian government to securitise these areas. This thesis research will analyse to what extent and how the government can provide security in the Brazilian favelas and to what extent and how non-governmental actors take this into their own hands. By taking Rio de Janeiro as a case study, this research argues that the government is only to a limited extent able to provide security in these areas. Violent drug gangs control a majority of the favelas and are often supported by a loyal local community. Non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) indirectly influence the security situation by reporting on abuse cases and providing educational and recreational programs.Show less
The United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, are recognized as the...Show moreThe United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, are recognized as the primary international agreements targeting trafficking in persons (TIP). Although they are nearly universally ratified, their efficiency is debated and research assessing their impact is scarce. This single case study strives to evaluate the Protocol’s efficiency in countering TIP in Nigeria by analyzing the achievement of its three purposes: preventing and combating TIP, protecting and assisting victims, and increasing cooperation. This study discovered that the Protocol led to impressive progress in Nigeria, including the development of an agency dedicated to TIP, legislation ensuring prosecution, capabilities committed to rehabilitation, and prevention campaigns. However, the Protocol’s purposes have yet to be achieved successfully due to an inadequate implementation caused by minimal prosecution, limited cooperation, corruption, and human rights violations. Furthermore, the number of victims continues to increase in Nigeria at a much faster rate than arrest and conviction rates. Therefore, the Nigerian government, civil society actors, inter-governmental organizations, regional organizations, Member States, and other relevant actors must continue their efforts to achieve the Protocol’s purposes, utilize the Protocol’s full potential, and efficiently counter TIP in Nigeria.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
This thesis assesses how United States drone strikes against al Qaeda Central in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, in Pakistan, between 2004 and 2011, affected the broader organization of al...Show moreThis thesis assesses how United States drone strikes against al Qaeda Central in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, in Pakistan, between 2004 and 2011, affected the broader organization of al Qaeda. This research was conducted by means of a 7-S analysis of al Qaeda’s broader organization throughout two timeframes: from 1988 until 2001, the pre-drone phase, and from 2001 until 2011, the intra-drone phase, across seven organizational factors, namely Shared Values, Strategy, Structure, Systems, Style, Staff and Skills. This paper found that US drone strikes directly impacted al Qaeda’s Structure, Style, Staff, Skills and Systems and indirectly its Shared Values. Al Qaeda’s Strategy remained unaffected. The drone program affected al Qaeda mostly by denying al Qaeda secure communications, killing large numbers of operatives, thereby accelerating al Qaeda’s educational and promotional processes, and by disrupting the intergenerational transfer of skills and knowledge.Show less
