This thesis is about cultural transformation through migration between the Turkish district of Emirdağ and the diaspora in Belgium. In this research, the poems from Emirdağ and the poems from the...Show moreThis thesis is about cultural transformation through migration between the Turkish district of Emirdağ and the diaspora in Belgium. In this research, the poems from Emirdağ and the poems from the diaspora were analyzed using the qualitative research method narrative analysis. In the analysis, the reflection of cultural transformation through migration in Emirdağ's poetry has been observed. The results provide an insight into the migration culture and the outcomes of socio-cultural and economic transnationalism.Show less
The world food crisis of 2007–2008 reaffirmed the volatility of international commodity markets and led many countries questioning their reliance on food imports. In a quest for new strategies to...Show moreThe world food crisis of 2007–2008 reaffirmed the volatility of international commodity markets and led many countries questioning their reliance on food imports. In a quest for new strategies to ensure food supplies in the future, many richer countries resorted to the large-scale acquisition of foreign land, often referred to as land grabs, including the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In this thesis, I examine the Saudi Agricultural Investments Abroad initiative and attempt to identify what role this initiative plays within the Kingdom’s larger food security policy. Moreover, against the backdrop of the global climate crisis and the importance of moving towards a sustainable global food system, this thesis examines the sustainability of this strategy in the long term. The research question formulated for this is: What role do Saudi Arabia’s large-scale land investments abroad play in their food security strategy and how sustainable is this strategy? Building on an alternative definition of food security that adopts a food systems approach, this thesis proposes that the use of large-scale land investments as a food security strategy does not fit the sustainable path that is so needed.Show less
This thesis aims to fill the existing gap in the writing of the history of development, i.e. the lack of research on the recipients and their political motives and agency. By using the case of...Show moreThis thesis aims to fill the existing gap in the writing of the history of development, i.e. the lack of research on the recipients and their political motives and agency. By using the case of Afghanistan during the Cold War, the main research question of the thesis thus is: To what extent did the Afghan elite influence the course of the Cold War development projects from 1953-1979? The main finding is that despite adopting and sharing the assumptions of the modernization theory with Americans, the Afghan state elites used developmental aid for the purpose of the Pashtunisation of Afghanistan. Through examining the case of the building of dams in the Helmand and Arghandab Valleys, the student shows that the goal of the Afghan state elites was to attract the Pashtun nomads ‘to settle in Afghanistan, as a Pashtun demographic majority was needed to bolster the legitimacy of the Pashtun government and shape Afghanistan's identity as such’.Show less
This research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a...Show moreThis research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a collaboration between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the State of Israel and the United Arab Emirates on water and energy issues. While the literature on hydropolitics has mainly focused on the connection between water scarcity on the one hand, and conflict or cooperation, on the other, this study moves beyond this dichotomy by applying a mixed method of environmental peacebuilding and hydro-hegemony to the case-study. Built on theoretical analysis and including historical aspects, the international, regional and domestic context as well as the concept of asymmetrical power and discursive power, the research looks beyond elite interests and traditional theories of international relations. While the analysis identifies the envisaged cooperation from the water-for-energy deal as a form of technical environmental cooperation, the findings also stress the ambiguity in Jordan’s behavior and the underlying dynamics of power asymmetry, reinforced by the role of external actors and the use of dominant discourses.Show less
The Iran-Iraq War (1980 – 1988) was a complicated and bloody conflict in which many people lost their lives. The Kurds were geographically, but also as a target in the middle of the conflict and to...Show moreThe Iran-Iraq War (1980 – 1988) was a complicated and bloody conflict in which many people lost their lives. The Kurds were geographically, but also as a target in the middle of the conflict and to aggravate the situation they were subject to genocidal campaign led by the regime of Saddam Hussein towards the end of the war. This thesis analyzes the Kurdish representations in Kurdish films set during the Iran-Iraq War. In particular, it focuses on the Kurdish female representations. The aim is to further develop academic research on Kurdish cinema, provide an overview of cultural expressions through visual arts throughout space and time and emphasize the gap between the male and female gender in Kurdish representations. The analysis proposes that Kurdish cinematic expressions of the Iran-Iraq War have two overarching themes that can roughly be classified under the heading of cultural memory and collective trauma and the heading of geo-linguistic homeland in which different representations between Kurds in general and female Kurds can be observed.Show less
This research explores the impact of the return of the Taliban in August 2021 to the sense of belonging of Afghan-Dutch citizens. When refugees or migrants enter their host country, they must...Show moreThis research explores the impact of the return of the Taliban in August 2021 to the sense of belonging of Afghan-Dutch citizens. When refugees or migrants enter their host country, they must develop a balance between the sense of belonging to their host country and their source country. The perception of belonging can be influenced by a multitude of things such as immigration rhetoric in the host country, changes in social-economic circumstances, and conflict in the source country. This research has found that the effects of these conflicts on the sense of belonging for Afghan-Dutch citizens in the Netherlands varies greatly. Some of the Afghan-Dutch population felt a stronger sense of belonging to Afghanistan, as all their memories and connections to the country received extra attention. For others, the sense of belonging to Afghanistan declined, as the return of the Taliban emphasized traumas and the country’s history of conflict. Finally, for some, the feeling of belonging remained unchanged entirely. Furthermore, though the feelings of belonging to the Netherlands were not the main focus in this research, it was noticeable that those feelings did not really change for the Netherlands in general, more in the direction of the Afghan-Dutch diaspora.Show less
Under the governance of President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi (2014-present), Egypt has witnessed severe medicine shortages. As a way to mitigate those shortages, the government is increasing its domestic...Show moreUnder the governance of President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi (2014-present), Egypt has witnessed severe medicine shortages. As a way to mitigate those shortages, the government is increasing its domestic production of pharmaceutical products. This policy is grounded in a rhetoric of ‘self-sufficiency’, the aspiration for Egypt to provide in its own medicine needs, thereby reducing its dependency on the imports for medicine supply. National initiatives such as the establishment of the pharmaceutical production hub Gypto Pharma demonstrate concrete attempts to realize this ambition. This raises the question of how the political economy of Egypt’s pharmaceutical industry has developed under the current regime. While the ‘self-sufficiency’ rhetoric suggests that Egypt has taken a direction of economic de-globalization, further inquiry shows that this narrative does not tell the whole truth. Through the use of interviews and the analysis of formal documents and newspaper items, this research uncovers the political and economic aspects of Egypt’s contemporary pharmaceutical industry. Following its recent trail, it becomes evident that even if Egypt is limiting the import of finished pharmaceutical products, it is still very much dependent on the import of raw materials for its domestic production. Likewise, because Egypt lacks capital to invest in its local pharmaceutical industry, it relies on the input of foreign direct investment. Furthermore, another motivation for increasing its domestic manufacturing of medicine is also to become a regional production hub. Adopting the role of medicine supplier in turn creates new dependencies on the global value chain. Finally, coming back to the matter of medicine shortages, this research shows that the notion that the intensification of domestic production will improve the medicine supply, and thereby better medicine access is false. It takes further political action to ensure the affordability and availability of medicine.Show less
This thesis examinates the role of PMCs in international intervention and in what ways this can explain the differences in reconciliation efforts in instances of misconduct by PMCs and regular...Show moreThis thesis examinates the role of PMCs in international intervention and in what ways this can explain the differences in reconciliation efforts in instances of misconduct by PMCs and regular troops. In order to do this, this paper's analysis is focused on the reconciliation efforts made by the U.S. government in cases of misconduct that took place during the Iraq War between 2003-2011.Show less
Despite being one of the most protracted and ongoing territorial disputes, as a case of irredentism the Western Sahara conflict has only incidentally enjoyed international attention. The...Show moreDespite being one of the most protracted and ongoing territorial disputes, as a case of irredentism the Western Sahara conflict has only incidentally enjoyed international attention. The opportunity to step into the vacuum of international news coverage and information provision about this disputed territory, however, has recently been seized. The media platform of the state-sponsored ‘Council of the Moroccan Community living abroad’, as the name suggests, has targeted the Moroccan diaspora with online content about the Western Sahara in recent years. While studies of irredentism have focused on the importance of nationalism in arousing support for irredentism among the nation, the role of irredentism in the construction of national identity has received little attention. Through the empirical analysis of this media content, this paper unravels the argumentation behind the Moroccan state’s irredentist claims in its communication to the diaspora and demonstrates that they are rooted in a state-informed national identity construct, a construct to which the Western Sahara as irredentist project in turn plays a contributing role. On the basis of this construct, I point out that in addition to being of interest as potential support base for advancing the Moroccan state’s irredentist cause in the Western Sahara, it is likely that the Moroccan diaspora is also reached out to in this regard for the purpose of bolstering the idea of a monarch(y)-centred national identity.Show less
For 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish...Show moreFor 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish state in Palestine, an increasing minority develops an opposition to Israeli policies, especially concerning the occupation of Palestinian Territories. As Jewish organisations advocating for Palestinian rights flourish in the Western world, where the Jewish diaspora is in majority located, the process according to which young Jews are increasingly distancing themselves from an Israeli- centred Jewish identity seems important to inquire. Indeed, growing diaspora support for a just political solution to the Middle East conflict might have empiric repercussions on the Israeli government. Therefore, this thesis seeks to inquire the identification process of young progressive Jews in France and Britain relating to the Zionist project, and aims at answering the following question: What drives critical French and British Jewish youth’s identification choices in the construction of a non-Israel centric identity? This paper argues that young Jews self-identify in a nexus between the Jewish community, overwhelmingly Zionist, and external norms and values of human rights and social justice, which creates conflicting dynamics. When left-wing values out-weight the community’s narrative, it creates or strengthens a feeling of alienation among progressive Jewish youth, that is slowly turning into criticism and distancing from the State of Israel. This youth, therefore, seeks to navigate new spaces of identification and revive a Jewish identity able to reconcile this internal struggle. To demonstrate so, this thesis will firstly conceptualise identity and discuss historical debates on Jewish identity. It will then analyse the distancing hypothesis, and the debates it created among scholars about its accuracy and potential factors. In the last two chapters, it will study the self- identification process of four young British and French Jews advocating for Palestinian rights. Through life-long interviews dealing with their attitudes towards a Zionist Jewish identity, this paper underlines the dynamics characterising their progressive alienation from the State of Israel: a primary discomfort, followed by a de-Zionification process, creating important fractures with friends, families, and their Jewishness, and finally the identification with a revived diasporic identity, able to reconcile Jewishness and anti-Zionism.Show less
The relief of Palestinian refugees has been handled by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) since the 1950s to our days. Over seven decades of existence, the...Show moreThe relief of Palestinian refugees has been handled by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) since the 1950s to our days. Over seven decades of existence, the agency has been under various criticisms for its unconditional commitment to Palestinian refugees on the one hand, and for its failures to address the refugees’ issue on the other. As a result, the agency is often represented as an obstacle to the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by some and as an essential part of the solution by others. The aim of the present study is therefore to investigate the discourses employed by influential stakeholders to participate in the construction of a public discourse on UNRWA’s activities. Moreover, building on the public sphere conceptualized by Habermas, many have argued that the emergence of new technologies and globalized communications revolutionized the public debate, making it transnational. In this sense, social networking platforms like Twitter constitute actual parts of the digital public sphere where “social-influencers” compete to impose their interpretation of the public debate and to strengthen existing narratives. Using qualitative discourse analysis, this paper describes the diversity of strategies employed by certified users to participate in reputation narratives as well as the type discourse associated with their position in the public sphere.Show less
This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
This thesis researched if there is a media bias present in English language media when reporting on Iran’s nuclear program in 2021. Ten articles from The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal,...Show moreThis thesis researched if there is a media bias present in English language media when reporting on Iran’s nuclear program in 2021. Ten articles from The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and The Times (UK) were carefully selected for this research. Resulting in forty articles in total (N=40) that were part of the content analysis. All four newspapers tended to have a negative bias toward Iran’s nuclear program in 2021, although to varying degrees. This thesis found that The Wall Street Journal had the most bias, followed by The New York Times and The Guardian, ending with The Times (UK) having the least amount of bias.Show less
