The main objective of this thesis is to examine whether the European Union experienced an upwards trend of securitization of asylum-seekers and migrants at their external borders. This will be...Show moreThe main objective of this thesis is to examine whether the European Union experienced an upwards trend of securitization of asylum-seekers and migrants at their external borders. This will be established by a case study applied on the securitization practices of Frontex. To investigate how Frontex is developed as a securitising actor in the EU asylum and migration issue, the activities of Frontex will be examined and labelled as securitization (or desecuritization) by comparing two time periods, namely the activities of Frontex during 2009 against 2018. In addition, Frontex's evolution in their level of autonomy (power) will be investigated to be able to determine their degree of impact on the securitization of the EU against EU asylum-seekers and migrants. This can also be used to determine their liability concerning the criticism of NGOs on the activities of Frontex in context of humanitarianism.Show less
My master thesis is a study on the framing of Dutch and Belgian female militants connected to the jihadist organization ISIS in Dutch and Belgian newspapers from 2013 to 2019. The archetypes on...Show moreMy master thesis is a study on the framing of Dutch and Belgian female militants connected to the jihadist organization ISIS in Dutch and Belgian newspapers from 2013 to 2019. The archetypes on militant women is linked to women from Greek mythology: the monstrous Medusa, the magical mother Medea, and the misandrist Amazon Penthesilea. These women are opposites of the peaceful and beautiful Helen of Troy, who is the ‘ideal Western woman.’ From the archetypes I derived seven sub-frames: (1) Medusa brainwashed, (2) Medusa dangerous, (3) Medusa mental issues, (4) Medea supporting mother and wife, (5) Medea religion, (6) Penthesilea committed like men/ emancipation, (7) Penthesilea seeking husband/ romantic notion. From the changes over time and by country and newspaper I concluded that 2017 was a turning point in the framing of female militants. Female militants became more salient and their framing turned more agentive. Gender stereotypes became less dominant in the frame. However, framing in relation to religion stayed in the frames of newspapers. Religion remained essential to ‘other’ female militants from the norm of ‘good Western women.’Show less
Maritime security is vital for many states, and it is undermined by many acts, one of which is piracy. This threat is acknowledged by the extensive anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, in...Show moreMaritime security is vital for many states, and it is undermined by many acts, one of which is piracy. This threat is acknowledged by the extensive anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, in which China partakes. Even though piracy occurs in the South China Sea as well, China does not have a military anti-piracy operation in this area. Nonetheless, this area is vital for the operation of its economy. It is, therefore, important to analyze how the differences in these policies can be explained. By using different theoretical explanations (realism, liberal institutionalism, and constructivism), the objective of this thesis is to analyze which theory carries the most explanatory power, or if a combination of explanations could provide a better explanation to the seemingly contradictory policy. This is done through a method of congruence analysis, combined with process-tracing. After tracing China’s actions and developments in the Western Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, this thesis finds that constructivism provides the best explanation for China’s different approaches, as anti-piracy cooperation merely served as a tool of statecraft.Show less
The idea for a European military force is not new. Ideas of a European military force had been considered a key priority soon after the EU had been established in 1952, then in the form of a so...Show moreThe idea for a European military force is not new. Ideas of a European military force had been considered a key priority soon after the EU had been established in 1952, then in the form of a so-called ‘European Defence Community’, but were set aside after multiple disagreements in the 1950s. However, since the shift in the international order in the 1990s after the fall of the USSR, the general but slow shift in world powers tilting towards a rising China, the shift in the relationship with the U.S., and other continued military threats throughout the world, the EU has revoked its former stance on defence and security and has taken a variety of steps to develop this field. Yet, despite these threats, shifts and initiatives, an official and entirely European military force has never been achieved. Why has the EU only been able to come to the current level of cooperation and integration of EU defence and not any further? This thesis will argue that three obstacles have been important in this development.Show less
This thesis project focus on the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on Germany politics. This paper will explore in what way Syrian refugee has impacted the Germany politics. The main...Show moreThis thesis project focus on the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on Germany politics. This paper will explore in what way Syrian refugee has impacted the Germany politics. The main argument in this project is (How has the Syrian refugees' crisis in Germany contribute to the rise of the right-wing populist party?). The findings and analysis of the above mention issue will be drawn from existing primary and secondary data using peer-reviewed literature on the subject. The data will be used from different journal and articles based on the political issues in Germany, statistics data from the European Union and Germans government institutions, as well as from different national and international body predominantly working on that issue of refugees within Germany. In the end, this thesis project also unveil the rise of right-wing populist parties in Germany Alternative for Germany(AfD) from the aftermath of 2015 refuge crisis. This project will also try to analyze how Germany position itself within the negotiation in the EU concerning the migration.Show less
The use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation,...Show moreThe use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation, this research presents a case study of the British and French police organisations and how they have evolved to deal with political demonstrations. By creating a theoretical framework around the role of culture in police organisations, an analysis of the organisational culture of these police organisations and how they respond to political demonstrations was examined. The case study focuses on a constructivist approach to how the traditions and identities were created from the evolution of what are the modern police forces in the UK and France. This approach also analysed how these police organisations dealt with threats such as terrorism and public disorder and what norms and values were created from this. The case study examines two of the major events in the UK and France. The G20 Summit protests in London in 2009 and the 2018 Yellow Vest Movement in France. The police organisation and response to these events was examined through the identities, norms and values that have been created in the British and French police forces. These identities, norms and values continue to shape the police response to political demonstration and the public view the role of the police and the overall debate on police militarisation.Show less
Abstract: The current Common European Asylum Policy, and more specifically the Dublin III Regulation, are notably hindering the integration prospects of asylum seekers and refugees. As a...Show moreAbstract: The current Common European Asylum Policy, and more specifically the Dublin III Regulation, are notably hindering the integration prospects of asylum seekers and refugees. As a consequence of the complete lack of scrutiny of the integration component, this article demonstrates in which way and to what extent this assumption is true. This research includes the construction of a framework of indicators, in order to quantify the concept of integration, and it proposes a more efficient approach to the inevitably necessary reform of the Dublin Regulation. At the centre of this proposal, are the personal characteristics, as well as some of the preferences of the applicants.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s became frozen. The current comprehension of frozen conflicts, both in academia and policy-making circles is rather elusive, as the conflicts are often seen through a mono-theoretical lens, overlooking the potential interaction between different factors on different levels. The three main theoretical perspectives on frozen conflicts; the geopolitical, ethno-nationalist and political-economic perspective, are assessed, after which an explanatory variable is derived from each one. Subsequently, the cases of Moldova and Georgia are analyzed alongside these variables, to determine to what extent each mechanism plays a role in the development of frozen conflicts. A qualitative comparative analysis is carried out to assess the interrelation between variables, across the three different phases of a frozen conflict. The results of this research show that the frozen conflicts in Moldova and Georgia are neither solely ethnic nor geopolitical in nature. Ethnic tensions interplayed with geopolitical motives, which are substantiated by criminal economic incentives. Therefore, the multi-layered nature of frozen conflicts cannot fully be understood through a monotheoretical lens.Show less
Territorial disputes have since long been a source of conflict. Still today, economic, political and security interests lead to rising tensions in areas with disputed territories. To date, two of...Show moreTerritorial disputes have since long been a source of conflict. Still today, economic, political and security interests lead to rising tensions in areas with disputed territories. To date, two of these hot areas are the South China Sea (SCS) and the waters of the Arctic region. In the SCS, Chinese claims and activities stand out. In the past years, China has not only continued its, by the international society regarded unlawful, claims of waters, islands and reefs in the area, it has also started to build islands on which it engages in military activities. Initially, the United States (US) was not keen on getting involved in the numerous disputes over territory and adopted a policy of refusing to comment on or participate in any of the clashes. Lately however, the US has expressed its disapproval of Chinese activities and it has transferred vessels to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) states to contain the Chinese threat in the area (Yoon, 2015). Free access to the SCS is of high importance to the US, both economically as well as geopolitically (Bouchat, 2014), and it considers the respect for international law a national interest (Landler, 2010; Lajeunesse & Huebert, 2019). In addition to the SCS, the Arctic region too has been the scene of controversy for the states surrounding it (Birdwell, 2016). Due to the effects of climate change, the Arctic is now an area with ample opportunities and potential for the winning of natural resources (Conley & Kraut, 2011). Clearly, high economic and strategic interests are at stake in the changing polar region. The effects of climate change have made the Arctic Circle into a centre of geopolitics and territorial disputes with direct implications for US security. Despite these high stakes, the US has mostly lagged behind on other states. The position of the US in the disputes in these highly strategic areas is noteworthy. It raises the question why the hegemon of this current, unipolar world, does not take on a more active and assertive role. If it wants to maintain its unique position, why does it seem as is if it has been reluctant to address these possible threats to its position?Show less
This paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an...Show moreThis paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an idea which has not been examined adequately in academia thus far. Initially the concept of power in IR will be introduced with a special mention to its European form. Afterwards, the EU’s relationship with two revisionist regional actors (Turkey and Russia) is explored. The first case, examines the EU’s handling of Turkey during the displacement crisis and the latter’s shift towards authoritarianism. It will be shown that despite the fact that the EU has managed to dramatically decrease the influx of people in its territory, it has paid a steep political cost domestically and internationally. The second case shows how Russian preferential treatment to certain member-states impeded a unified approach from the EU. Only after the events in Ukraine a unilateral approach was agreed. Both cases show that the European understanding and usage of power is limited and prohibits the development of an ambitious policy mainly due to the current level of European integration and member-states will. Such results are important as they not only show current limitations of the EU’s policy-making, but also highlight some of the areas that require amelioration in order to enhance the EU’s capabilities in todays’ challenges.Show less
This thesis aims at analysing the EU’s anti-smuggling mission in Mediterranean Sea namely ‘Sophia Operation’ under the scope of international human rights law. At the centre of this inquiry is the...Show moreThis thesis aims at analysing the EU’s anti-smuggling mission in Mediterranean Sea namely ‘Sophia Operation’ under the scope of international human rights law. At the centre of this inquiry is the new mandate of Sophia that trains the Libyan Coast Guards (LCG) and provides them military assets, and financial aids and support. The question is to understand how the EU is outsourcing the ‘dirty job’ so as to avoid its responsibility towards international human rights law, and more specifically the princple of non-refoulement.Show less
In this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect...Show moreIn this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect the course of the integration process of this policy area. The first facet is the institutional change Brexit will bring about. The second facet is the cultural difference between the foreign policies of the United States and the European Union, which is enhanced by the election of Donald Trump as president of the US. The last facet is the geopolitical security dilemma that is imposed on the EU by Russia. In this research the impact of these three developments on the integration process of the EU’s security and defence policy will be analysed.Show less
This Thesis tests Meyer’s and Strickmann’s (2011) International Relations (IR) theoretical framework on the material-ideational nexus in European defence against a case with extraordinary evidence...Show moreThis Thesis tests Meyer’s and Strickmann’s (2011) International Relations (IR) theoretical framework on the material-ideational nexus in European defence against a case with extraordinary evidence of material change: the European defence sector after the Cold War (1989–1999). The aim is to investigate how the interplay of material and ideational factors shaped European armament cooperation in this period. Furthermore, the author seeks to derive policy recommendations for the ongoing European Union (EU) defence integration process, also said to be driven by material change. The Thesis finds that the stark post-Cold War material challenges did lead to an ideational shift towards closer European armament cooperation. This shift, however, was not as pronounced as it could have been, considering the magnitude of material change and scope for collaboration. Additionally, material pressures exacerbated existing tensions between different actors and interests in the defence domain. For the current EU defence integration process, this implies that the cohesive effects of material change should not be taken for granted. Instead, a more unitary and comprehensive institutional structure is needed, which still accommodates the different capacities and preferences of member states regarding European armament cooperation.Show less
This thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature...Show moreThis thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature consists of extensive work on both Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Yet, the role of external actors and kin-states in peacemaking in both cases are understudied. By showing the importance of a superpower third party intervention, this thesis provides theoretical and policy insights on conflict management. Contrary to the general argument on the importance of impartiality of mediation, this study argues that powerful states, due to their coercive capacity and power, have an increased chance of success in peace negotiations. Furthermore, regardless of impartiality, it is found that the more proximity (cultural, political, and economic ties) the third party has with the parties involved, the more likely it is to have the leverage necessary to achieve a concession.Show less
The foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important...Show moreThe foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important advantages come from her central geography…” (MFA, 2018b, p. 1). The centrality of Turkey, as rhetorically presented in this Turkish foreign policy summary, is expressed with reference to two geographies in particular: The Middle East and Europe. In terms of Europe, the Turkish foreign policy document includes the following statements: Turkey is pursuing membership of the European Union, underlining that her membership would benefit both the EU and Turkey. Turkey is actively contributing to the efforts to address many challenges that also effect Europe…Turkey is part and parcel of Europe and almost all European institutions. (MFA, 2018b, p. 1) In terms of the Middle East, the Turkish foreign policy summary notes Turkey’s position as part of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as well as various ties, bilateral and collective, to countries in the Middle East. The emergence of strategic centrality as a pillar of Turkish foreign policy appears to date from the 2000 publication of Ahmet Davutoğlu’s Strategic Depth: Turkey’s International Position (Murinson, 2006). In this book, Davutoğlu, then a professor and subsequently to become both the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister of Turkey, articulated what has since come to be called Neo-Ottomanism (Kraidy & Al-Ghazzi, 2013; Türkeş, 2016). The Ottoman Empire, which was formally replaced by the Republic of Turkey in 1923, possessed the “central geography” cited by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the “strategic depth” of Davutoğlu’s book. Despite the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the resulting Turkish state replicated some of the geographic and strategic dynamics of its predecessor, with its borders placed directly between the Middle East in the east and south, Russia in the north, and Greece and the Balkans in the west. The characteristics and direction of Turkish foreign policy can be examined not only by analysis of larger themes (such as Neo-Ottomanism) and documents (such as Strategic Depth), but also through a document analysis of official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Such documents exist dating back to January, 2002, and, of the writing of this proposal, are current until January, 2018. These documents are of interest for a number of reasons. More importantly, the documents contain distinct eras in Turkish foreign policy. The documents made available on the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Website overlap with the Prime Ministerial rule of five people: Bülent Ecevit, Abdullah Gül, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Ahmet Davetoğlu, and Binali Yıldırım. Of these Prime Ministers, the latter four were connected with the Ak Party, but at different eras. Of the Ak Party-affiliated Prime Ministers of Turkey, Binali Yıldırım has the reputation of somewhat being Erdoğan’s personal assistant, whereas both Gül and Davetoğlu have reputations of being somewhat independent from Erdoğan (Cagatay, 2017). In addition, during the 16-year period covered by the Turkish documents, Turkey has had eight Foreign Ministers. Thus, an analysis of the official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs can reveal changes in the orientation of Turkish policy over time. The objective of this empirical study is to provide such an analysis.Show less
This thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been...Show moreThis thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been insufficiently explored in the literature so far. More concretely it is scrutinised if electricity market liberalisation and emissions trading acquis has been externalised to Switzerland and Ukraine. First, it is shown that there is market power potential in the field of energy, as the European regulatory order was increasingly strengthened since the mid-1990s and gave birth to two significant markets for electricity and carbon emissions trade. Second, it is demonstrated that even though acquis externalization occurred to a certain extent in both cases, four intervening variables filtered the EU's market power. Indeed, market interconnectedness, political culture, the nature of the political system and the level of institutionalization of the EU's relations with a third country need to be taken into account when assessing the EU's market power in a given third country. These findings are not only theoretically relevant, they also suggest that the EU should concentrate on the development of its Single Market and regulatory order as well as on solid institutional framework conditions to cement its power towards third countries and enlarge its global influence.Show less
