Hugo Chavez Frías’ virulent discourse has until his death fed the appetite of media, politicians and academics. Mostly known for his social and anti-imperialist program as well as the success of...Show moreHugo Chavez Frías’ virulent discourse has until his death fed the appetite of media, politicians and academics. Mostly known for his social and anti-imperialist program as well as the success of his leftist movement across the Latin American region, the former Venezuelan President has also attracted attention with his denunciation of the Bush administration, the neoliberal system, and more generally the United States’ foreign policy. Publicly shaming the American government for the invasion, bombing, and killing of thousands of civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq at the 2006 United Nations Assembly, there were no doubts for the international community that Chavez’s anti-imperialist ideology had definitely shifted into an anti-American one following the 9/11 attacks and the launching of the War on Terror. That popular thinking was however challenged in the last decade by academics who passionately debated on the origins of Chavez’s anti-Americanism, some advocating a definite shift -yet unrelated to the events of 9/11, others defending the linearity of his discourse. For years, three theories have thus evolved around the figure of Hugo Chavez and the nature of his discourse. With the support of a strong theoretical framework, historical reflection and Political Discourse Analysis, this thesis ultimately aims to solve this discussion.Show less
The objective of this bachelor thesis was to explore how media affects and contributes to the process of democratization. The research described in this paper set to investigate the Mexican media...Show moreThe objective of this bachelor thesis was to explore how media affects and contributes to the process of democratization. The research described in this paper set to investigate the Mexican media and analyze how the Telecommunications and Broadcasting Law of 2013 has affected the media in the framework of media pluralism. Specifically, it focused on the socio-political dichotomies between commercial and independent community media. In the quest to explore this topic, this paper first analyzed the state-of-the-art literature on media pluralism and its importance to media structures. Next, it reflected on the realities of the political and media landscape in Mexico and studied the media reforms that historically have been unfavorable towards promoting media pluralism and continue to alienate all other media outlets by favoring the big media moguls.Show less
China has established an interconnected bond with Latin American ans Caribbean states, with a strong presence in macroeconomic policies and funding infrastructure. A partnership that goes beyond...Show moreChina has established an interconnected bond with Latin American ans Caribbean states, with a strong presence in macroeconomic policies and funding infrastructure. A partnership that goes beyond economic transactions, is the relationship with China and Latin America. Brazil being a large state, membership of the BRICS and having international exposure with the Global South and the Global; has offered them to be the perfect target for geopolitical strategy. By this China has taken advantage of this distinctive feature, as they slowly form a new Global hierarchy during the Pink Tide.Show less
While development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they...Show moreWhile development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they undermine the quest of social movements for a new social order as well as the very foundations of feminism. Critical feminist scholars believe that feminism has been mainstreamed into development agendas and therefore ‘NGOized’ (Jenkins 2011, Roy 2011, Pearce 2010). The term ‘NGOization’ which is commonly understood as the depoliticization, professionalization and institutionalization of movements for social change (Kamat 2004, Hemment 2007) has been widely discussed in recent critical development literature. A point largely dismissed by critical feminist scholars analyzing the severe implications for feminist movements is the need for relativization and contextualization. This thesis contributes to filling a gap in the academic literature by discussing the relevance of a feminist critique of the process of institutionalization and professionalization of feminism and women’s grassroots movements, while at the same time exploring the extent to which the concept of ‘NGOization’ only provides a partial understanding of the realities lived by feminist activists and women at the grass-roots and at the NGO level alike. In other words, this dissertation stresses the need to move beyond a one-sided understanding of the ‘NGOization’ concept that overemphasizes the negative impacts and effects of these developments. In order to do so, this thesis argues that feminist NGOs are best understood when their hybrid nature is taken into account. Hybridity means that they expand their sphere of influence both at the grassroots levels and in the institutional sphere. As such, NGOs need to be understood as “spaces for the exercise of power, both liberatory and oppressive” (Costa 2014, 172). Therefore, the following research question is explored: What are the opportunities and limitations of transforming women’s movements into women’s NGOs in Peru?Show less
Esta investigación busca evidenciar el rol de la identidad regional como un agente articulador de la actividad política por medio del análisis del movimiento social en contra del alza del gas en la...Show moreEsta investigación busca evidenciar el rol de la identidad regional como un agente articulador de la actividad política por medio del análisis del movimiento social en contra del alza del gas en la Región de Magallanes, Chile en 2011. Por medio del estudio del carácter histórico, geográfico y social de la identidad magallánica se dilucidan elementos que llevarían a un grupo social a presentar una actitud política reaccionaria en un escenario en el que las bases culturales e identitarias se ven amenazadas, aun en un contexto de apatía política generalizada en Chile.Show less
Research master thesis | Latin American Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The electoral victory new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) in 2018 meant a major change in the country, as it was the first time a candidate from the left won. However, as...Show moreThe electoral victory new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) in 2018 meant a major change in the country, as it was the first time a candidate from the left won. However, as statistical data show, president AMLO has a big task ahead of him, as homicide rates and violence within the country are spiraling. This research analyzes the characteristics of the use of violence within Mexico, and how this has impacted the state’s legitimacy during the previous two presidential terms, hereby going beyond the ‘failed state’ debate and putting Max Weber’s theory on the monopoly on violence into perspective (Weber 1978). It argues that organized crime, principally the Mexican drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs), are the main actor challenging the state’s legitimacy and that the two are connected in an uneasy equilibrium that has changed in nature over time. The analysis concludes that there are three principal actors through which the dynamics of violence and state legitimacy interact: the Mexican government, the DTOs and Mexican civil society and that this interplay had led to a capacity, security and legitimacy gap. It further argues that there are different types of legitimacy in Mexico: judicial, economic and social/cultural, meaning that although the Mexican president in theory is the legitimate authority of the country, in practice this is a whole other story.Show less
In deze scriptie staat de verstedelijking van de stad El Alto centraal. Op dit moment is El Alto de snelst groeiende stad van Bolivia. Het is de op één na grootste stad van het land geworden en is...Show moreIn deze scriptie staat de verstedelijking van de stad El Alto centraal. Op dit moment is El Alto de snelst groeiende stad van Bolivia. Het is de op één na grootste stad van het land geworden en is tweemaal zo hard gegroeid als verwacht. Dit komt door twee grote migratiegolven die in de twintigste eeuw hebben plaatsgevonden en door de huidige economische status van El Alto. Vanwege de explosieve stedelijke bevolkingsgroei zijn de criminaliteitscijfers van de stad gestegen en heerst er vandaag de dag een gevoel van onveiligheid onder de burgers in El Alto. In dit onderzoek zullen de effecten die het verstedelijkingsproces van El Alto heeft gehad ten opzichte van burgerveiligheid in kaart worden gebracht. Daarnaast zal in dit onderzoek worden gekeken naar de rol die burgerparticipatie heeft gespeeld met betrekking tot burgerveiligheid binnen El Alto. Het analyseren van het verstedelijkingsproces van El Alto is om meerdere redenen relevant. Ten eerste is het van belang om te analyseren wat voor invloed verstedelijking heeft op burgerveiligheid binnen zo’n snelgroeiende stad. Een interessante kwestie is hierbij: op wat voor manier kan de veiligheid van burgers in een snel urbaniserende stad als El Alto gewaarborgd blijven? Deze analyse zou in de toekomst kunnen worden toegepast op gelijksoortige steden in de Latijns-Amerikaanse regio, die met eenzelfde stedelijke groei te maken hebben. Inderdaad, Latijns-Amerika geldt als een regio met een zeer snelgroeiende urbane populatie, en loopt daarbij voorop in de globale trend van verstedelijking. In het jaar 2050 wordt verwacht dat 86% van Latijns-Amerika verstedelijkt is. Daarnaast is het relevant om te onderzoeken of de opkomst van burgerparticipatie heeft bijgedragen aan de burgerveiligheid binnen de stad. Binnen de regio, is de burgerveiligheid in de afgelopen decennia namelijk enorm verslechterd vanwege toegenomen criminaliteit en geweldsmisdrijven, daarom is het relevant om onderzoek te doen rondom de burgerveiligheidsproblematiek die heerst in LatijnsAmerika. Hierbij is het van belang om voor deze scriptie te analyseren of de burgers van El Alto een positieve rol spelen in de bestrijding van burgeronveiligheid. De onderzoeksvraag van deze scriptie is: Wat voor invloed heeft verstedelijking gehad op burgerveiligheid in El Alto, en wat voor rol speelt burgerparticipatie met betrekking tot burgerveiligheid binnen El Alto? Hierbij is de hypothese als volgt geformuleerd: De verstedelijking van El Alto heeft een slechte invloed gehad op burgerveiligheid en burgerparticipatie heeft op een positieve manier bijgedragen aan de burgerveiligheid binnen El Alto. Voor de goede structurering van deze scriptie, is deze opgedeeld in drie hoofdstukken. Het eerste hoofdstuk is het theoretisch kader, waar de concepten verstedelijking, burgerveiligheid en burgerparticipatie besproken zullen worden. In het tweede hoofdstuk zal de problematiek van de concepten die in deze scriptie centraal staan worden geanalyseerd. Hierbij zal de problematiek van deze concepten op drie verschillende niveaus worden gecontextualiseerd. Allereerst op regionaal niveau aangaande de regio Latijns-Amerika, daarna op nationaal niveau waarbij de nadruk ligt op Boliviaanse steden en tot slot op plaatselijk niveau waarin de casestudy van deze scriptie centraal staat, namelijk El Alto. Het laatste hoofdstuk zal gaan over de rol die 5 burgerparticipatie speelt met betrekking tot de burgerveiligheidsproblematiek van El Alto. Allereerst zal worden beschreven wat burgerorganisaties in de praktijk doen met betrekking tot burgeronveiligheid. Daarna zullen de effecten en resultaten van deze vorm van burgerparticipatie worden besproken. Tot slot zal er worden gekeken naar de oplossingen die door burgers worden aangedragen met betrekking tot burgerveiligheid en hoe deze in relatie staan tot de burgerveiligheidsproblematiek in El Alto. Tenslotte zal er in de conclusie een antwoord worden gegeven op de onderzoeksvraag.Show less
During the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the...Show moreDuring the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the democracies that developed after the process differed. In Chile, Pinochet executed a lot of control over the transition to democracy, whereas in Argentina, Videla only slightly influenced the transition to democracy. In both countries a successful democracy was established with a different basis. Thus, the role of the dictator during the transition to democracy process is not clear-cut, and the development of democracy depends on many different factors, which are not always controllable.Show less
Following mass demonstrations in Brazil for the impeachement of Dilma Rousseff and the increasing relevance of local city governments in global politics this paper examines and analyses the...Show moreFollowing mass demonstrations in Brazil for the impeachement of Dilma Rousseff and the increasing relevance of local city governments in global politics this paper examines and analyses the possible effects of 'glocal' governing on the Brazilian population. This paper takes the city government and population of São Paulo as Case Study.Show less
Deze scriptie analyseert de politieke discours van de Venezolaanse ex-president Hugo Chávez en de huidige president Nicolás Maduro. De focus van deze analyse ligt op de populistische en anti...Show moreDeze scriptie analyseert de politieke discours van de Venezolaanse ex-president Hugo Chávez en de huidige president Nicolás Maduro. De focus van deze analyse ligt op de populistische en anti-imperialistische elementen binnen deze discours. Er zal gekeken worden in hoeverre het politieke discours van Nicolás Maduro overeenkomt met dat van zijn voorganger Hugo Chávez. De politieke discours zullen geplaatst worden in de context van de opkomst van linkse regeringen in Latijns-Amerika.Show less
Throughout the 20th century the region of Latin America has been widely influenced by external actors such as the United States or international organizations, like the IMF or the World Bank. The...Show moreThroughout the 20th century the region of Latin America has been widely influenced by external actors such as the United States or international organizations, like the IMF or the World Bank. The influences of those actors gave rise to “dependency theory”, which highlights the inequalities between more powerful actors of the so-called “center” of the world and those of the “periphery”. As a response, Latin American countries have engaged in different attempts to decrease the influence of those external actors, while increasing their own. In the early 2000s, due to changes in its foreign policy, the focus of the United States on Latin America has decreased. The risen gap has allowed the recently grown superpower China to focus on the region. Consequently, the East-Asian country has become the first or second biggest trade partner for states like Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Mexico or Venezuela. Next to the risen trade other bilateral relations, such as investments, combined attempts of development and political relations, have increased. While there are several apparent benefits for both sides, criticism has been voiced regarding a new version of dependency on China replacing that towards the United States. However, such criticism has mainly focused on assessing the international relations between China as a state and Latin America as an entire region. Therefore, by addressing the rising dependency, this paper will show that, in regard to Sino-Latin American relations, the region of Latin America cannot be analyzed as a whole but has to be divided into its nation states. By comparing the two case studies Chile and Venezuela and their respective relations with China the varying levels of dependency between China and different Latin American states will be portrayed.Show less
chapter 1 aims to provide an academic framework through which the Antarctic geopolitical strategies can be understood. Building upon the academic contextualization of the first chapter, chapter 2...Show morechapter 1 aims to provide an academic framework through which the Antarctic geopolitical strategies can be understood. Building upon the academic contextualization of the first chapter, chapter 2 explores the conditions of the current geopolitical strategies of Chile, Argentina and Great Britain. Insights into the potential of the region, its legal regime, and its uncertain political future, provide an understanding of the circumstances in which Antarctic strategy has been formed. In Chapter 3, the official geopolitical strategies of Chile and its direct territorial rivals in Antarctica are scrutinized and finally compared using the previously established conditions. By following this structure, I aim to provide the academic scholarship with a framework for future geopolitical research on how these countries have changed their strategies in the run up to 2048 and for future comparisons with the strategies of other claimant, non-claimant, or third party statesShow less
