By using theory-testing process-tracing, this thesis aims to determine how potential Iranian soft power in Iraq has become realized soft power. Two separate areas which can be considered causes of...Show moreBy using theory-testing process-tracing, this thesis aims to determine how potential Iranian soft power in Iraq has become realized soft power. Two separate areas which can be considered causes of Iranian soft power in Iraq have been analysed: Iraqi medical tourism in Iran and Iranian investments in Iraqi infrastructure.Show less
This thesis looks at The People’s Republic of China’s Foreign Policy, Investment and Development into the Caribbean and will explore, based on research and information gathered, to what extent a...Show moreThis thesis looks at The People’s Republic of China’s Foreign Policy, Investment and Development into the Caribbean and will explore, based on research and information gathered, to what extent a mutually beneficial relationship between China and the Caribbean has or is being formed. While the thesis looks at China’s relationships within Caribbean countries as a whole, specific focus will be on countries such as Jamaica or Trinidad and Tobago.Show less
The concept of European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) was first introduced in the EU’s Global Strategy of 2016 and alludes to a stronger role of the EU in international politics, to consequently achieve...Show moreThe concept of European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) was first introduced in the EU’s Global Strategy of 2016 and alludes to a stronger role of the EU in international politics, to consequently achieve more autonomy in its foreign and security policy. For the European Union (EU), 5G is an integral determinant of strategic autonomy, having implications for security and economic policy (a foreign policy tool). The question that this research study has attempted to answer is to what extent has the German discourse on 5G (from 2018 until 2020) shaped the development of the EU’s strategic autonomy. The independent variables identified in the literature review (which explain the security and economic implications of 5G, that can shape the development of ESA), were explored through the German discourse. This discourse is particularly important since Germany is one of the leading countries in the EU and the EU’s foreign and security policy depends strongly on Germany’s decisions. Since ESA depends on the legitimacy of the EU member states and the approach to 5G remains a national decision, analysing the national discourse of a member state made more sense than looking at the EU’s discourse on 5G. The results of the discourse analysis show that the development of ESA has been slightly strengthened.Show less
On the 12th of February 2019 the European Council adopted the Gas Directive Amendment consisting of common rules for the European gas market. The Amendment added that the rules of the original Gas...Show moreOn the 12th of February 2019 the European Council adopted the Gas Directive Amendment consisting of common rules for the European gas market. The Amendment added that the rules of the original Gas Directive of 2009 were not merely applicable to the internal European gas market, but also applicable for pipelines going from, and to third countries (non-member states) making the Directive contain common rules for the external energy policy of member states. This is a big step for a more integrated Europe, because external energy policy has never been a topic where member states were willing to share interests about. This rather special area gives theories like Neofunctionalism a new challenge to explain the process of integration in the EU. Three concepts of Neofunctionalism (spillover, loyalty shift and politicization) are tested on the Gas Directive Amendment and explain the strengths and weaknesses of Neofunctionalism as integration theory.Show less
This thesis aims to address the following research question: How does the local context relate to the impact of humanitarian aid in terms of legitimacy and effectiveness? The main conclusion is...Show moreThis thesis aims to address the following research question: How does the local context relate to the impact of humanitarian aid in terms of legitimacy and effectiveness? The main conclusion is that local contexts can greatly influence how humanitarian aid is perceived by local populations.Show less
Saudi Arabia’s actions in Yemen have been largely neglected in the growing body of International Relations literature concerning regionalisation and power classification. Using an adaptation of...Show moreSaudi Arabia’s actions in Yemen have been largely neglected in the growing body of International Relations literature concerning regionalisation and power classification. Using an adaptation of Daniel Flemes’ conceptualisation of regional power, this thesis analyses Saudi leadership in the first four and a half years of the Yemen Civil War (March 2015 – August 2019). The case study was performed using an overarching causal-process tracing approach. Three variables that are fundamental for Saudi regional leadership in Yemen have been distinguished; claim to leadership, material methods of self-assertion and acceptance of leadership. As these variables are different in nature, they have been analysed using different methodologies. The findings of these analyses suggest that it is easy to ascribe a regional leading role to Saudi Arabia, as its claim to leadership and growing regional assertiveness are evident, but that real leadership over countries in the region is missing. Ultimately, this thesis illustrates that case study research is essential in the process of classifying a country as ‘regional power’.Show less
This thesis seeks to enrich the discussion about the impact of China’s rise on the role of the US as a global leader, however, it wishes to avoid the theoretical prediction or speculation often...Show moreThis thesis seeks to enrich the discussion about the impact of China’s rise on the role of the US as a global leader, however, it wishes to avoid the theoretical prediction or speculation often seen in this discussion. Instead of using prescriptive theories, the much- anticipated American response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) will be researched from an inventive angle that possesses the ability to bridge the gap between theory and policy: think tanks. Publications by think tanks are distinctly suitable for a pragmatic analysis on the direction of US foreign policy. The policy research publications of three prominent American think tanks will be analyzed to make informed statements about the direction of long-term US foreign policy towards the BRI. These think tanks have been carefully selected to represent all sides of the spectrum that dominate simultaneously the political arena of the US and the think tank sector; conservative ideology, liberal ideology, and the neutral, independent, or moderate center. Besides researching the policy recommendations in general this thesis will also research two dimensions that could have a significant impact on the American response; theoretical lenses and ideological orientations. The policy proposals are researched with a qualitative content analysis to identify their theoretical foundation of the IR-paradigms of realism and liberalism. This thesis will broadly map the position of theory, ideology, and policy in the issue at stake: the American response to the BRI. Given exacerbating trends in the think tank sector, the different positions could ultimately pose threats to geopolitical stability.Show less
The World Bank hails hydropower as the sustainable development tool to challenge the energy needs and alleviate poverty in countries. These large dams entail complex and multidimensional social...Show moreThe World Bank hails hydropower as the sustainable development tool to challenge the energy needs and alleviate poverty in countries. These large dams entail complex and multidimensional social impacts on local communities. This thesis assesses the social impacts on the resettled communities affected by the newest developmental project of the World Bank, the Nam Theun 2. Relocation leads to disappearance of traditional practices and the uptake of a modern market-based life style. Deploying the Matrix Framework find that this resettlement is not without its setbacks and impactful changes. Livelihood activities that are far removed from the traditional cultural practices fail to mature, while other activities closer connected to the previous lifestyle performed above expectations in providing villagers with a sustainable source of income. All with all, The World Bank failed to implement sustainable livelihoods for the resettled communities that suited their traditional cultural practices and livelihoods.Show less
Regime stability in Saudi Arabia is based on the assumption that the distribution of oil wealth among the citizens will lead to political quiescence in return. However, the decline in oil prices...Show moreRegime stability in Saudi Arabia is based on the assumption that the distribution of oil wealth among the citizens will lead to political quiescence in return. However, the decline in oil prices since 2014 has exposed the flaws in this assumption of national co-optation. Drawing on insights of Social Contract, Rentier State and Welfare State theory, this thesis will delve deeper into the sub-national factors that influence regime stability in Saudi Arabia. As such, a thorough analysis of the youth bulge and foreign workers in Saudi Arabia concludes that it is not sufficient to investigate the distribution of wealth on a national level to understand the mechanisms of regime stability. Sub-national analysis provides additional insights into the factors that are exacerbated due to the low oil price and establishes a narrative that argues for different mechanisms of regime stabilization. Contemporary developments, such as the implementation of the Vision 2030 policy by Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, underline the relevance of expanding sub-national analysis.Show less
This study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's...Show moreThis study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's changing responses to three crises, is to study the change and continuity in China's contemporary engagement in the Middle East, which could shed some new light on the international academic debates over the discrepancy in China’s evolving strategies toward the Middle East, moreover, offer a better understanding of how China perceives itself in relation to the Middle East.Show less
The literature on state-led tourism development in the Emirate of Dubai and the Republic of Singapore is scarce. Moreover, it is not clear how state capitalist systems of government transformed...Show moreThe literature on state-led tourism development in the Emirate of Dubai and the Republic of Singapore is scarce. Moreover, it is not clear how state capitalist systems of government transformed both city-states into successful tourism destinations. Research has shown that physical infrastructure provision and destination brand marketing play an important role in the success of both polities. However, most of the available works tend to have a superficial nature and are dated. This study endeavors to offer a more profound and detailed analysis of the government policy factors that explain a successful tourism cluster outcome in both cases with new data collected by the author. An answer to this question is relevant to policy-makers in states with similar political-economy configurations that seek to develop a tourism industry. Building on existing works on tourism cluster development in state-led economies, this research asks: “What primary government policy factors explain the establishment of a successful tourism sector in the state-led economies of Dubai and Singapore in the period between 1990 and 2018?” This research employs the qualitative method of theory-building process-tracing and approaches tourism cluster development with the ‘developmental state theory’ taken from the discipline of international political economy. Analysis of the primary and secondary data shows that tourism, in both Dubai and Singapore, is a pillar in an overarching state-led economic development strategy that operates in synergy with the commerce, events, real estate, tourism, and transport clusters. Moreover, both Dubai and Singapore combine control over government institutions and state-owned holding companies, complemented by transnational companies, to control tourism-relevant enterprises and to develop the tourism cluster. Coordination between public and private sector entities enables efficient canalization of resources complying with long-term developmental tourism visions. Under those circumstances, both governments conducted two synergic primary policies: first, constructing state-of-the-art tourism infrastructure, and second, orchestrating a sophisticated brand marketing campaign. The research found these policies explain the success of tourism in Dubai and Singapore.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis into Russia and China. The choice of Russia and China is to remedy the overreliance on Western thinking on R2P present in the existing literature. This thesis argues that the Libya intervention has resulted in increased difficulties for the R2P, though deepening existing scepticism as well as providing more evidence as to the damaging results of military interventions.Show less
A review of the literature on the Sino-Russian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight the propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Sino-Russian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight the propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Sino-Russian relationship that is limited, instrumental and asymmetric—an ‘axis of convenience’ according to mainstream scholars. Tensions are held to be most conspicuous in Russia and China’s shared backyard: Central Asia. Since the 2010s, both China and Russia have engaged in efforts to rearrange their regional backyards and consolidate influence over their smaller neighbours. The simultaneous, yet juxtapositional, establishment of Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and China’s Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) are widely deemed to reflect the independent foreign policy objectives of each party as well as the traditional security considerations underlying their regional projects. As a result, they have led many analysts to foresee a new Great Game in the region. To date, tensions have not surfaced, why? Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis engages in securitization theory to gain insights into the different identities and security drivers underlying both powers’ regional initiatives. Appreciating the normative and ideational underpinnings of Russia’s EEU and China’s SREB, this research provides a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the relationship does work—instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A poststructuralist discourse analysis has been conducted to examine these discursive representations of identity and security and answer this thesis’ main research question: To what extent do the security discourses of Russia’s EEU and China’s SREB explain the compatibility of the two initiatives? The findings of this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ regional initiatives and give greater attention to the forces of convergence shaping the Sino-Russian relationship in the region and beyond.Show less
The relation between Iran and the Netherlands has a long history. Yet the image of Iran in the Netherlands is a negative one. This thesis investigates four leading Dutch newspapers and their...Show moreThe relation between Iran and the Netherlands has a long history. Yet the image of Iran in the Netherlands is a negative one. This thesis investigates four leading Dutch newspapers and their representation of the Joint Compressive Plan of Action. It becomes apparent that the Dutch news media are dominated by the Iran-as-Polity discourse, that ties in with the Clash of Civilizations regime of truth. This prevents reconciliation and mutual understanding between the Dutch and the Iranians.Show less
Kosovo declared independence in 2008 and then started a process of re-imagining its national identity. But how do you produce an identity that will be inclusive and multi-ethnic in a post-conflict...Show moreKosovo declared independence in 2008 and then started a process of re-imagining its national identity. But how do you produce an identity that will be inclusive and multi-ethnic in a post-conflict society, where a fight for one’s ethnic identity equals a fight for personal rights and values? This thesis acknowledges the power of education in social reconstruction and, through a critical discourse analysis of Kosovo’s educational reforms after 2008, uncovers the negatives and positives of the discourse utilized in education. Therefore, this thesis contributes to ongoing research on the construction of the multi-ethnic identity. Additionally, this thesis confirms the hypothesis surrounding the fluidity of identities, the manipulation of discourse and the role of education in changing the perceptions of the young and subsequently future of the nation.Show less
The geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under...Show moreThe geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Egypt is among a growing number of countries around the world governed by a paradoxically open, yet harshly repressive, type of new authoritarianism. At the same time, with the presidency of the former General el-Sisi entering its fifth year, the return to power of Egypt’s military establishment has seen a resumption of the older authoritarian methods used by past Egyptian leaders to quell dissent against the government, and to maintain power generally. This thesis seeks to answer how President el-Sisi’s actions since becoming President in 2014 has led to a hybridization of both classical and new authoritarian theories. Through the significant utilization of the country’s national security apparatus, manipulation of the political and justice systems, and reliance on vast sources of economic aid from the United States, Europe, and the Persian Gulf states, el-Sisi appears to exhibit strategies from both old and new theories of authoritarianism. This thesis demonstrates the Egyptian experience of hybridized authoritarianism by incorporating overviews of authoritarianism generally, discussions of authoritarian theories, scholarly debates, and evidence from Egypt’s national security, legal, judicial, political, economic, and foreign relations sectors. This thesis will lend itself to broader scholarly discussions on authoritarianism in contemporary times, as well as on international relations in the Middle East, and the durability of strongman regimes in the developing world. While this thesis can only provide a secondary overview of Egypt’s recent return to authoritarianism, the researcher hopes it will make a small contribution to the political and foreign policy affairs in a region both rich in history and fraught with conflict.Show less
The EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s...Show moreThe EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s asylum policies which is achieved through the conclusion of agreements between the Union and third countries regarding asylum processes. It allows the EU to maintain control over entries into its territory and the asylum process, yet questions have arisen regarding its ability to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and provide respect for fundamental human rights. Under Article 80 TFEU, Union policies are to be governed by the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing within the European Union and in its relation to the wider world. The EU-Turkey Deal implies Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country on the basis of Article 38 of the Asylum Procedure Directive under the Common European Asylum System. A failed military coup, a violent breakdown and a refugee population of 2.8 million people of which most are without basic needs all hint toward Turkey’s inability to be designated a Safe Third Country. Many angles to the EU Turkey Deal have been examined, except for its conformity with international and European law. This is where this research paper comes in. It examines Turkey status as a Safe Third Country and investigate its conformity with and ability to uphold the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing and provide respect for fundamental human rights. To that end, this research paper analyses primary legal sources combined with NGO reports to deconstruct Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country. An argumentative legal dogmatic methodology examines whether Turkey was in compliance with obligations arising out of international, European and Turkish legal sources. The findings of this analysis are combined with the analysis of the most important court cases of the European Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Justice and NGO reports. This research papers’ main finding is that Turkey cannot be designated as a Safe Third Country and that the Deal violates international and European law. This because Turkey is in breach of three essential requirements to be designated a Safe Third Country; it does not respect the principle of nondiscrimination, it does not respect the principle of non-refoulement and it does not provide for access to the asylum procedure. This results in an inability of the Deal and Turkey to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and to provide for solidarity and responsibility sharing.Show less
Iran‟s foreign policy has evolved substantially since the time of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. A major shift came after the demise of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and especially under the...Show moreIran‟s foreign policy has evolved substantially since the time of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. A major shift came after the demise of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and especially under the presidency of Akbar Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami. The most important drivers in Iran's foreign policy in its neighbourhood are its national security and economic interests, which seem to go hand in hand in most of the cases. The thesis looks at Iran's foreign policy in its immediate neighbourhood, i.e. from its policy decisions on support to Christian Armenia against Shia Azerbaijan, cooperation with the United States (the "Great Satan") in Afghanistan and Iraq, and its support towards stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan all point in the direction of pragmatism in the foreign policy, decisions which directly have an effect on improving both security as well as economic standing of Tehran in the whole region. It also shows a tendency of continued support towards its allies, using all possible tools to advance its standing and influence in the region; religion, culture, economic aid, reconstruction, trade and cooperation, support to de-facto and local power holders, all serve as means to advance its national interests in terms of the policy of realpolitik.Show less
