An overview of the Belarusian foreign policy of the past 5 years not including the ongiong situation on Ukraine. Looking with mostly realist views at the evolution of the Belarusian foreign policy,...Show moreAn overview of the Belarusian foreign policy of the past 5 years not including the ongiong situation on Ukraine. Looking with mostly realist views at the evolution of the Belarusian foreign policy, this paper has found, that Belarus has, after a period of decline in relations, been slowly looking to rekindle past relations.Show less
Academic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were...Show moreAcademic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were common, with journalists and scholars going to lengths as to which post-Soviet republic with a sizeable Russian-speaking population would be the next ‘domino’ in the ‘domino effect’ that Crimea was argued to bring about. Much has been written about Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ since, but much less has been written about the factors favorable to the hypothesized replication of ‘Crimea’ for individual cases such as Belarus. By transforming Laruelle’s study of Russian secessionism in Kazakhstan into a more broadly applicable analytical framework, this thesis ultimately suggests that the conditions in Belarus – the lack of focus of ‘compatriot issues’ in Russia-Belarus relations, the difficulty of delineating a ‘Russian part’ of Belarus and its population, and the lack of a grassroots organizational framework – are ultimately unfavorable to Russian-sponsored secessionism.Show less
The Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has...Show moreThe Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has received much attention and is occasionally described as the region’s “wild card”, based on international wariness about an increasingly assertive Russian leadership. In the last decade, Moscow has significantly expanded its military capabilities in the region and has adopted a more securitised stance on economic development of its Arctic territories, yet at the same time, it has consistently been an active presence in Arctic regional cooperation. This thesis explores the seeming bipolarity in Russia’s behaviour by paying special attention to the link between ideational and material motivations. Premised on the idea that the formation of national interests of a state is closely connected with the formation of its national identity, it identifies Russia’s pursuit of great power status in the Arctic as a key driver of Russian Arctic policy. Borrowing from critical geopolitics, which suggests that territory and geography are subject of active formulation and reformulation by governments, this thesis analyses policy documents to illustrate how the Kremlin conceptualises three different understandings of the Arctic region (the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation; the Arctic as essential for ensuring national security; and the Arctic as a base for Russia’s economic revival) as guided by different interests.Show less
The legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and...Show moreThe legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and cross-sectoral cooperation between organisations. To what extent an NGO working in Russia benefits from or suffers under the laws, differs from the work field of the NGO. While the Russian authorities support many ‘socially useful’ NGOs with grants and cooperation, organisations focusing on human and environmental rights experience the more negative consequences of the laws and encounter difficulties to receive (financial) support. This thesis discusses which strategies Russian organisations use to counter the “crackdown” on the civil society. The research focuses on the case of Memorial Human Rights Center (Memorial HRC). Memorial HRC is a leading human rights organisation and one of the oldest civil rights organisations in Russia. The thesis provides an overview of the situation for Memorial HRC, and which protection and survival strategies the organisation uses to secure its future.Show less
Since independence, Kazakhstan has promoted different conceptions of national identity: an “ethnic” discourse that promotes the titular Kazakh nation, a “civic discourse” that revolves around inter...Show moreSince independence, Kazakhstan has promoted different conceptions of national identity: an “ethnic” discourse that promotes the titular Kazakh nation, a “civic discourse” that revolves around inter-ethnic harmony, and a “transnational” discourse that is focused on international prestige. For long, scholars have debated which of these discourses has been dominant, or whether these discourses have been promoted simultaneously. This thesis contributes to the growing body of work on Kazkakhstan’s nationhood process by looking at the competing nation-building narratives that are presented through two sport projects: the Astana Pro cycling team, and the promotion of Kazakh national wrestling. The analysis has made clear that the wrestling and the cycling projects are each used to promote different elements of Kazakhstan’s national identity; while the wrestling emphasizes the ethnic conception of Kazakh identity, the Astana Team is more focused on gaining international prestige. At the same, time, the narratives and symbolism used in the two projects are often ambiguous and sometimes even contradictory. Thus, this thesis has shown that competing nation-building narratives are promoted simultaneously and as such, it has highlighted the complex and hybrid nature of Kazakhstan’s nation-building process.Show less
Kazakhstan is a consolidated authoritarian regime that introduced in 2017 a new set of amendments titled “On Changes and Amendments to Some Legal Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan On Countering...Show moreKazakhstan is a consolidated authoritarian regime that introduced in 2017 a new set of amendments titled “On Changes and Amendments to Some Legal Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan On Countering Extremism and Terrorism”. The amendments concern migration, freedom of religion, communication and circulation of weapons and thereby increase restrictions on human rights. They functioned as a reaction to three events that took place in 2016: an amok-run in Almaty, a serious act of terrorism in Aktobe and nation-wide protests. All of these events were untypical for the otherwise stable situation in Kazakhstan. This master thesis analyses whether the amendments content reflects their creators rational (event-specific) decision-making or whether it represents the next step of a developmental trajectory that is locked-in by long established legal provisions (path dependence)and maintained by irrational decision-making (e.g. habits).Show less
This thesis analyzes whether the depiction of Putin’s obstinate attitude towards international agreements is correct, or whether Russia appears to be less obstinate in handling the conflict in...Show moreThis thesis analyzes whether the depiction of Putin’s obstinate attitude towards international agreements is correct, or whether Russia appears to be less obstinate in handling the conflict in Ukraine when working within the OSCE and the Council of Europe. The analysis is based on the theory of socialization in international organizations and argues that the Russian delegation has not internalized the common lifeworld of the Council of Europe and has only to a certain extent internalized the common lifeworld of the OSCE. Instead, the Russian delegation's socialization can be considered as Type I socialization, meaning that the Russian delegation engages in conscious role play.Show less
This thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]....Show moreThis thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]. The study compares the use of 'Londongrad' in a sample of articles from two time periods: 2005-8 and 2011-14, defining how it is used and how its use has changed over time, with reference to wider social, political and cultural contexts. Results indicate that 'Londongrad' is particularly prevalent in the right-wing press, and that its use has become more prominent over time. The thesis puts forward the argument that 'Londongrad' lacks concrete definition but carries implicit meaning that allows for the reinforcement of negative stereotypes with regard to Russian activity in the UK. In highlighting this, the intention is to draw attention to the way in which patterns of discourse can encode prejudice.Show less
