This research paper explores the practice of traditional tattoos by Moroccan women through the scope of subaltern resistance against colonial violence perpetrated by the French Protectorate in...Show moreThis research paper explores the practice of traditional tattoos by Moroccan women through the scope of subaltern resistance against colonial violence perpetrated by the French Protectorate in Morocco. A multifaceted Amazigh ritual rich with social codes, this tradition has been rumoured to have undergone a mutation under European colonialism. After having presented the system of power of the Protectorate, its structural violence targeted towards local inhabitants and forms of opposition set in motion by the latter, a polysemic analysis of the tattoo ritual of Moroccan women has been investigated and linked with subaltern resistance. In order to follow the thought of post-colonialism and subaltern studies, the testimony of a tattooed Moroccan woman has been collected. The findings are useful to understand the balance of power between a colonial state apparatus and subaltern women, the political implications tied to culture such as traditional rituals, resistance through the everyday, and the connection between culture and politics in International Relations.Show less
This thesis analyses how the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) African bias has affected the judicial system in Africa at regional and international levels. First, the current literature on the...Show moreThis thesis analyses how the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) African bias has affected the judicial system in Africa at regional and international levels. First, the current literature on the ICC’s African bias and the African judicial system will be reviewed. Next, it will be analysed why the African Union (AU) and its Member States see the ICC as biased against Africa. Then it will be analysed what the AU’s judicial response is to the ICC’s African bias and how this response seeks to interpret international criminal law. Based on these reviews and analyses, this research concludes that the ICC’s African bias has affected the judicial system in Africa at regional and international levels by creating a continental human rights and criminal court that has jurisdiction over international criminal law. This research ends with the observation that the African Court on Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACJHPR) is created to replace the ICC as both Courts have jurisdiction over crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and the crime of aggression. However, the replacement of the ICC could create an extra layer between Africa and the ICC, once the relationship and hierarchy between the two Courts are established.Show less
People of African descent in the West share a similar experience of oppression through European colonization and the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Such a shared experience has led to a transnational...Show morePeople of African descent in the West share a similar experience of oppression through European colonization and the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Such a shared experience has led to a transnational black consciousness. The black scholars W.E.B. DuBois and Frantz Fanon both discussed this concept, which describes an the existence of transnational black solidarity and identity, due to the subjugation to oppression. The black race has become the subject of negative discourses, a product of white supremacy and western hegemony. This thesis is a postcolonial reading of the artworks of black American artist Jean-Michel Basquiat and the Black British artist Chris Ofili, through which we explore the transnational connection among the peoples of the African diaspora. With the use of semiotic analysis, we uncover the hidden meanings within Basquiat’s and Ofili’s work, analyzing the themes of being black in the West and being black in connection to the African diaspora.Show less
This thesis explores how the notion of global citizenship is promoted by the voluntourist organization World Servants. This thesis uncovers the origins of global citizenship as a cosmopolitan ideal...Show moreThis thesis explores how the notion of global citizenship is promoted by the voluntourist organization World Servants. This thesis uncovers the origins of global citizenship as a cosmopolitan ideal, yet also laying bare the (post-colonial) critiques that have been voiced against the practices of cosmopolitanism and global citizenship. By using Hans Schattle (2008) his conceptualization of global citizenship in stages of awareness, responsibility and participation, this thesis examines the promotional materials of the Dutch organization World Servants. This thesis found that the organization is using global citizenship as a commodity which can be obtained by the voluntourists by going on their volunteer trip. The voluntourists can brand or package themselves as global citizens after the volunteer experience, which can be beneficial for them later in life on the labor market or in their personal career.Show less
Considering the urgency posed by the violent homophobic conduct of Sub-Saharan African states towards males who appear as challenging the socially dominant standards of masculinity and sexuality,...Show moreConsidering the urgency posed by the violent homophobic conduct of Sub-Saharan African states towards males who appear as challenging the socially dominant standards of masculinity and sexuality, this thesis aims to problematize queer violence in the African post-colony. Queer violence is hereby defined as the violence inflicted upon the bodies and lives of citizens of the post-colonial state on the sole ground of their perceived or actual sexuality. Looking into the underexplored case of Nigeria, this thesis asks the following question ‘How has the Nigerian state exercised queer violence?’ Based on a review of the literature, the building blocks of the homophobic discourse (laws, morality, tradition and religion), which legitimize queer violence in the African context, and particularly in Nigeria, are discussed. In order to criticise the persisting violent conduct and unveil how queer violence functions, queer theory is utilised together with Foucault’s notion of biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics. Additionally, a genealogical approach helps analyse the state conduct through its discursive, but also non-discursive/material practices. Through the analysis of the occasion of the arrests and arraignment of 57 men in Lagos, Nigeria from August 2018 through March 2020, for offenses related to same-sex relations and homosexuality, it is observed that the Nigerian state has exercised queer violence by disguising its necropolitical conduct in biopolitical terms. It has been further observed that queer violence is performed indiscriminately, endangering especially the male population.Show less
This thesis investigated the Dutch societal memory concerning the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949). I have explored the reflection of this change in a diachronic corpus of documentaries...Show moreThis thesis investigated the Dutch societal memory concerning the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949). I have explored the reflection of this change in a diachronic corpus of documentaries dealing with the Indonesian War of Independence, covering a period from 1945-2019. After examining four themes (violence, self-image, justification, and different voices), I came to the conclusion that the Dutch societal memory has changed from ignoring the violence of the war towards the acknowledgement of the past mistakes.Show less
Using a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory...Show moreUsing a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory either toward or away from democratic governance, and their propensity to terminate ongoing conflict against insurgent enemies. The study finds a negative and significant correlation between nonviolent conflict cessation and both democratisation and authoritarian consolidation. Disaggregating the data by regime type reveals that democracies and machine-type autocracies are less susceptible to this effect than either military and personalist regimes. Finally, further inspection of the data reveals that both regime type and a number of other variables act as proxies for regimes’ internal stability and the absence of intra-elite rivalry. The finding, consistent with much of the existing literature, is that intra-elite rivalry drives regimes and leaders to continue fighting, and diminishes the probability of negotiated settlement.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the British government’s discursive and practical involvement in the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘Operation Restoring Hope’, in Yemen....Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the British government’s discursive and practical involvement in the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘Operation Restoring Hope’, in Yemen. To do so, it pursues three central arguments. First, using the de-classified governmental record, it is argued that Anglo-Yemeni relations can be characterised by two interlinked political-economic objectives rooted in colonial governance. Namely, the objectives to shape a political environment favourable for British commercial enterprise. Second, it is argued that officials employ two interwoven discourses which represent the government’s involvement in terms of solving a humanitarian crisis and countering terrorism. Using a critical discourse analysis, this section will draw upon statements from leading officials and will analyse the ways in which the government represents its involvement in Yemen. Here, it is shown that officials cast Britain as a humanitarian actor in a conflict between good and evil. Further, it is argued that these discursive choices accompany and legitimate the performance of practices (i.e. blockade and aerial bombing) which are largely responsible for the humanitarian crisis and structural violence to which the government is responding. Finally, it is argued that the government’s discourse and practices rely on an unsupported appeal to the national interest. Rather, Britain’s involvement in Yemen is more clearly understood as a part of a wider form of governance under which the prosperity and security of an elite constituency is prioritised over that of the wider population.Show less
The Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 were established in the 1960s as two organizations working primarily through the United Nations to represent the issues and interests of the Global...Show moreThe Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 were established in the 1960s as two organizations working primarily through the United Nations to represent the issues and interests of the Global South. This thesis researches why the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 have not merged together despite their overwhelming similarities. In addition, it is researched what the (dis)advantages of merging together would be for the two organizations.Show less
Photography is a versatile medium that is able to freeze a single moment in time as well as provide insight into the zeitgeist of a longer period. Therein lies part of the value of the medium of...Show morePhotography is a versatile medium that is able to freeze a single moment in time as well as provide insight into the zeitgeist of a longer period. Therein lies part of the value of the medium of photography, as well as a political application. This thesis explores this claim further and considers photography as a tool for resistance in the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. This illustrates a larger point, namely that aesthetic theory adds to our understanding of international relations, especially regarding power relations and resistance. This premise is located in larger body of literature as part of Bleiker’s aesthetic turn in IR and Danchev’s concept of witnessing. From this flows an analysis of parrhesia, as the South African photographer speaks truth to power, as well as an examination of visual normativity, everyday resistance and memory. The conceptual framework is constructed on Sontag en Butler’s review on the medium of photography, and Rancière’s treatment of the relation between aesthetics and politics. Images from apartheid photographers such as David Goldblatt and Ernest Cole are analysed to shed light on these theoretical concepts and further demonstrate how power operated during apartheid, but also how norms are subverted and the white hegemony resisted. This thesis thus concludes that aesthetic theory in general and photography in particular is an important resource in the field of IR to foster a better understanding of power relations, conflict and resistance.Show less
The war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the...Show moreThe war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the world, carried by all sorts of groups and organizations that have specialized in this trade. The PKK is active in a number of regions in the Middle-East and illicit drug trade is one of the means of its financing. Using the crime-terror continuum of Makarenko, this research describes the PKK as a commercial terrorist organization with mainly financial interests, at present stronger than their political motives. The research question of this thesis is as follows: “To what extent has the Kurdistan Workers’ Party transformed into a criminal organization from its erewhile politically motivated terrorist origins?” The relevance of this research is therefore to give the PKK a spot on the crime- terror continuum of Makarenko (2004: 131) and to show its evolution into a transnational organized crime organization, rather than just a static politically driven organization. This research could improve the formulation and implementation of future counter measures. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the PKK can be defined as a predominantly commercial terrorist organization.Show less
Considering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were...Show moreConsidering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were depoliticizing alternative political perspectives. But although they refer to interrelated phenomena, their language and chief academic objectives diverge, making depoliticization incoherent and under-conceptualized. This paper unifies prior efforts by asking what depoliticization is and tracing its consequences. We present six tentative definitions of depoliticization, categorise them into three types, and incorporate our preferred definition into our methodology. In a case study of TJ and post-transitional activism in Argentina during 1983-1996, we map its occurrence beginning with a depoliticizing move in 1983 by the Alfonsín administration that facilitated the production of Nunca Mas in 1984 and examine its relationship to the marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a civil society organisation that emerged in response to mass disappearances under the former military junta. We conclude that depoliticization occurred and contributed to marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, having produced a clear conceptual framework for further applications of depoliticization in contexts of TJ.Show less
This thesis seeks to explain the motivations behind the transition from sanctions to negotiations in the context of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) or the ‘Iran Deal’. Firstly, an...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explain the motivations behind the transition from sanctions to negotiations in the context of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) or the ‘Iran Deal’. Firstly, an elaboration on two-level negotiation theory is offered. Consequently, and in line with the underlying assumptions of the reviewed literature, three factors are assessed in order to provide an answer to the main research question ‘What factors best explain the coming about of the Joint Plan of Action?’ These are historic events that shaped relations, the effectiveness of the sanctions imposed, and the respective political leadership. This question is highly relevant and topical, as where President Obama in both of his election campaigns openly sought diplomatic rapprochement with Iran, President Trump campaigned the promise to withdraw from the JCPoA and re-impose sanctions. The findings of this thesis show that rationality is not a durable approach to international decision-making. Ineffectiveness of the sanctions did not prevent them from being continued or even aggravated. Rather, a determining factor in the case of Iran seems to be the leadership of both countries. These two factors gave the political momentum to realise the start of negotiationsShow less
