The paper below is devoted to recent reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), its process, main actors and main policy issues. The negotiation process and its outcome is analysed in view at...Show moreThe paper below is devoted to recent reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), its process, main actors and main policy issues. The negotiation process and its outcome is analysed in view at the agricultural sector and government positions of two Member States (MS). Further the paper follows governments' positions before and during the negotiations as well as the inter-institutional negotiation process. Chapter 1 and part of Chapter 4 are devoted to the comparison of the Dutch and Polish agricultural sector and government policy positions. Chapter 2 presents the evolution of the CAP and state of play at the time of the negotiation start and refers to chronological method. Chapter 3 describes the institutional setting, in which the reform was negotiated and as such it applies institutional method. Chapters 2 and 3 present also the theories of the EU agricultural policy making process as well as the positions and usual stakes of the institutions, which are the main actors of the negotiation process. Chapter 4 is devoted to the comparison of the negotiation position of the institutions and both MS. In the conclusions, the presented negotiation process will be put in the theoretical basis provided in Chapter 2 and 3. Moreover, preliminary assumptions on the potential of the reform for both MS is gathered. When we compare the outcome of the reform and national policy papers we come to the conclusion that the reform has certain overlap with the content of Dutch policy documents analysed in this paper. Polish policy positions revolved mainly around the issue of creating more level playing field between the MS and this was realized to a very limited extent. In general the above analysis confirm that in the EU, the interests of one MS can be satisfied to very small extent and the final shape of the policy is dependent on the inter-institutional-, not intergovernmental negotiations. On the other hand, due to current role of the EP, representatives of the MS interests have another platform, next to the Council.Show less
This thesis analyses separatist movements within EU member states. The cases of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders are thoroughly analysed and compared to establish a pattern of separatism within the...Show moreThis thesis analyses separatist movements within EU member states. The cases of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders are thoroughly analysed and compared to establish a pattern of separatism within the EU. The pattern that is established recognizes imagined communities and 'rationalized' arguments as the cornerstones of European separatism. Moreover, this thesis considers the seemingly contradictory pro-European attitude that is clearly present within these separatist movements.Show less
Over the last two decades the productivity gap between the United States and the European Union has increased. In the 1990s the EU was one of the leading countries in the IT (information technology...Show moreOver the last two decades the productivity gap between the United States and the European Union has increased. In the 1990s the EU was one of the leading countries in the IT (information technology) development. With huge firms like Nokia who introduced the GSM standard for mobile telecommunication the European Union was a significant player. However, since the 1990s the EU lost its important market positions to countries like the USA and China. Dominant companies like Google, Amazon, Facebook and Microsoft all have their roots in the American soil. the main question this paper wants to answer is: Why is the European Union lagging behind the United States in the development of the IT market?Show less
This thesis investigates the reasons for non-compliance with IMF conditionality in PRGF programmes. After describing the main arguements of constructivists and rationalists on the issue of...Show moreThis thesis investigates the reasons for non-compliance with IMF conditionality in PRGF programmes. After describing the main arguements of constructivists and rationalists on the issue of compliance it makes use of two case studies, Kenya and Tanzania, and uses the method of controlled comparison to identify factors that influence the extent of compliance. A comparison of these two case studies shows that ownership over the reform programme, influence of donors, and the lack of consequences in case of non-compliance are important factors in determining the extent of compliance.Regarding the theoretical framework, it concludes that constructivist arguments are better at explaining why countries do not comply with conditions, whereas rationalist arguments explain how this is possible.Show less
This study concerns the EU's external policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their effectiveness. The policies of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the Dayton Accords in 1995 are analysed from...Show moreThis study concerns the EU's external policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their effectiveness. The policies of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the Dayton Accords in 1995 are analysed from a constructivist point of view, and the effectiveness of these policies is studied. Although the EU has been involved in Bosnia and Herzegovina for almost twenty years, both during the war and afterwards, the goal of Bosnia and Herzegovina becoming at least an EU candidate member state has not yet been reached. The EU has invested millions of euros a year in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but its economy is still very unstable and the unemployment rate has increased. The EU itself has engaged mainly with Bosnian politicians for the responsibility of improving Bosnia's unstable situation. However, at the same time the EU criticises these same politicians for not being able to reform to a society that is divided by ethnicity. With their policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the EU has only been acting from its own identity and values, and has not taken into consideration the Bosnian history and identity in this process. Due to this, the EU policies on Bosnia and Herzegovina have been ineffective for they only act from a European perspective. In their attempt to make democracy succeed, the EU has enforced democracy on Bosnia and Herzegovina, resulting in a contradiction in terms against the values that the EU stands for. The principle of conditionality that is used by the EU to compel Bosnia and Herzegovina to reform is weakened by this contradiction. That leads to a credibility gap in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which undermines the EU's efforts and further increases the ineffectiveness of their actions.Show less
