The present thesis aims to introduce an educational proposal that will allow our societies, and particularly the society of Spain, to deal with the challenges presented by a globalised world. It is...Show moreThe present thesis aims to introduce an educational proposal that will allow our societies, and particularly the society of Spain, to deal with the challenges presented by a globalised world. It is a proposal for a balance between knowledge, social equality, and learning. The development of cosmopolitan education, managed through both schools and the community (local administration), is presented as a key to the sustainable development of our societies. An assessment of the rise of migrations in a context of asymmetrical globalisation, and its relation to sustainable development is a requirement when considering the importance of education in understanding the migration phenomenon to promote sustainability. A greater symmetry between sustainability and cosmopolitan education is recommended in order to heighten awareness in the world about the meaning and importance of sustainability and cosmopolitanism for our future.Show less
In this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a...Show moreIn this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a humanitarian intervention. This is done by assuming a minimal theory of universal human rights and then looking further into the contemporary literature surrounding humanitarian intervention as well as its history and application. In doing so, there does not seem to be moral, conceptual, or legal boundaries that would disallow such an intervention if carried out under the specified conditions. The implications of such a non-state humanitarian actor could change the way in which humanitarian interventions are carried out and remove or reduce the primacy of the state oriented nature of such interventions. Alec J. Bowie (2016) “The Legitimacy of Non-State Actors in Humanitarian Intervention”, Leiden Student RepositoryShow less
This work hefts the claim that alphabetic script, as opposed to other writing systems, was one of the causes for the appearance of philosophy in Ancient Greece due to the cognitive and social...Show moreThis work hefts the claim that alphabetic script, as opposed to other writing systems, was one of the causes for the appearance of philosophy in Ancient Greece due to the cognitive and social changes that this technological device allows for. The idea that media has a deep impact on users, rather than been an inocuous storage of information, was put forward by the members of the Toronto School of Communication Theory, in particular Havelock and McLuhan, who are the main sources for this thesis.Show less
The research question of this master’s thesis is: 'to what extent does Žižek’s rethinking of ideology and ideology critique, as formulated in his The Sublime Object of Ideology, facilitate an...Show moreThe research question of this master’s thesis is: 'to what extent does Žižek’s rethinking of ideology and ideology critique, as formulated in his The Sublime Object of Ideology, facilitate an ideology critique of the liberal-capitalist society as it was envisaged by the Frankfurt School?' My thesis is that Žižek’s rethinking of ideology makes a new kind of ideology critique possible, one which is fundamentally different from the ideology critique of the Frankfurt School. It will be shown that Žižek differs from the Frankfurt school in that he excludes the possibility of freeing oneself fully from ideological delusions. However, Žižek’s ideology critique still provides a moment of resistance against ideology and hence a moment of freedom. This makes Žižek’s rethinking of ideology and ideology critique a critical theory of society, despite the differences with the Frankfurt School. An implication of this thesis seems to be that it establishes the urgency of thinking about a reaction to today’s ideology in order to establish a more just society.Show less
Waar Joris Luyendijk het type bankier 'Master of the universe' als onderdeel van een groot probleem ziet, roemt Nietzsche in GMII-24 de doorgewinterde krijger. Deze twee personages zoeken de...Show moreWaar Joris Luyendijk het type bankier 'Master of the universe' als onderdeel van een groot probleem ziet, roemt Nietzsche in GMII-24 de doorgewinterde krijger. Deze twee personages zoeken de overwinning, hebben behoefte aan pijn en avontuur, maar krijgen van Luyendijk en Nietzsche twee totaal verschillende waarderingen. Deze scriptie onderzoekt waarom.Show less
The rapid development of technological innovation has yielded increasing returns on capital investment relative to labour. At the same time, the accumulation of capital seems to be concentrating...Show moreThe rapid development of technological innovation has yielded increasing returns on capital investment relative to labour. At the same time, the accumulation of capital seems to be concentrating more and more into the hands of a select few, resulting in the development of far-reaching economic inequalities. With the development of technological innovation having gained considerable momentum in modern times, the need to design effective policies centred around dealing with the economic, social and political effects of its development arguably seems more important than ever. Property-owning democrats –drawing on John Rawls' conception of justice as fairness- have set out proposals for curbing what they conceive to be undesirable developments in inequality, focusing mainly on the establishment of a socio-economic framework characterized by the widespread dispersal of capital assets. Some scholars such as Vallier (2015), however, have cast doubts on the desirability and effectiveness of adopting a property-owning democracy as the socio-economic arrangement fit to meet these challenges. This thesis attempts to settle the debate. I argue that the satisfaction of the Rawlsian fair value of political liberties favours the justification of a property-owning democracy over that of welfare-capitalism. Furthermore, I assert that the satisfaction of Rawls’ difference principle depends on the exact definition of ‘benefiting’ the least well off, so that this principle may favour the justification of either socio-economic arrangement. I further argue that meeting Rawls’ principle of equality of opportunity would be better served in the context of welfare-state capitalism, taking into account the critiques set out by O’Neill (2009) and Vallier. In addition, I identify further theoretical issues regarding property-owning democrats’ definition of private property that have, in my view, not been sufficiently addressed. Lastly, I identify a number of practical issues regarding the implications of a property-owning democracy in an economic context. Given that only the fair value of political liberties points directly towards the justification of a property-owning democracy -with its justification on the basis of the difference principle and equality of opportunity being questionable and thus unjust- I conclude that a property-owning democracy is not justifiable on Rawlsian grounds.Show less
The arrival of many refugees to Europe and the differing opinions that I have mentioned is a development that leads to a heated discussion. It also poses a challenge on democracy itself. This...Show moreThe arrival of many refugees to Europe and the differing opinions that I have mentioned is a development that leads to a heated discussion. It also poses a challenge on democracy itself. This brings me to reflect on the following question in this thesis: how can we deal with the current refugee crisis in a democratic way? I will focus on the subject of democratic self-rule and what it means to be a member of a political unity. The following questions will come across: Who does legitimately belong to the demos and how should it be decided in a democratic way who belongs legitimately to the demos? I will show that the answer to this question is not as straight-forward as it might seem. Boundaries are mostly based on a contingent happening in history. This thesis will show that there are different principles to rethink the legitimacy of the demos and who should be included. It will also show that the solution that is to be chosen, depends on the view on democracy itself.Show less
Despite the fact that women and men are equal before the law, and discrimination based on sex, race, ethnic background or sexual orientation is prohibited, economic, political and social...Show moreDespite the fact that women and men are equal before the law, and discrimination based on sex, race, ethnic background or sexual orientation is prohibited, economic, political and social inequalities still persist. Increasing employment opportunities and advances in educational achievement have not end widespread discrimination against women. It is for example still difficult for women to combine paid work with family duties, without limiting their chances of promotion. Women experience a gender pay gap of 16% in the European Union (EU) and are becoming more involved in the informal economy, with its lack of protection and often poor working conditions. Moreover, the trafficking of people for sexual exploitation and sexual and domestic violence disproportionally affects women. It is important for these problems of inequality to be solved because the EU can only be a viable and (gender) just system, when the ongoing disadvantaged position of women, i.e. lack of equal opportunities, unequal access to remunerative employment and gender based sexual and domestic violence is put to an end. Gender Equality Policies (GEP) are set up to diminish these inequalities in opportunities for women, in all areas of life. Since GEP are not solely focussed on rights but on the correction of actual cases of social, economic and political inequality, the question rises how to normatively evaluate GEP. Nussbaum’s capability approach has proved itself of great importance for understanding the human rights discourse accompanied with a focus on human capabilities and functioning. The capability approach provides “a benchmark in thinking about what it is really to secure a right to someone” (Nussbaum, 1997, p. 294), therefore the capability approach is the right end to evaluate GEP in that it argues the importance of policy making that actualizes the human rights discourse. GEP are rectifications of social, political and economic inequalities, therefore Nussbaum’s capability approach, that provides a theoretical framework focussed on gender equality, is the right framework to explore GEP. My thesis will address this question: which GEP could be seen as an example of Nussbaum’s capability approach? In addition, empirical applications in policy making could show the relevance of adding philosophical value to political examples, in order to overcome concrete inequalities. GEP will be discussed in the context of Europe, because the EU could be seen as a unique case to study gender equality, but also diversity and social justice in an increasing globalizing world.Show less
In this paper I argue that the Just War Theory in its current state is anachronistic and requires modernising. I set out how the domain of war has changed over time, specifically with new threats...Show moreIn this paper I argue that the Just War Theory in its current state is anachronistic and requires modernising. I set out how the domain of war has changed over time, specifically with new threats from weapons of mass destruction and non-state actors. These changes require a modernisation of the theory, and a product of this modernisation is developing a preventive war doctrine generally seen to be impermissible, as permissible. I make the case based on the changing nature of threats, and, extend the notion of self-defence to include preventive action. I highlight the epistemic problem in today’s war environment regarding the ‘last resort’ condition of the Just War Theory, and argue that if pre-emptive attacks are permissible, then based on the same epistemic logic, preventive wars are also permissible.Show less
The MA-thesis “Het Goede, de goedheid en het getuigenis” (“The Good, goodness and the witness”) investigates the relation between the philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas and Vasili Grossman’s novel,...Show moreThe MA-thesis “Het Goede, de goedheid en het getuigenis” (“The Good, goodness and the witness”) investigates the relation between the philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas and Vasili Grossman’s novel, Life and Fate. It includes an overview of Levinas’ published thoughts concerning the novel, the relationship between his philosophy and literature, and an interpretation of Levinas’ philosophical position centred on the concept of goodness. The relation between Levinas and Grossman is sought in an ethical position that relies on the an-archical goodness of the individual towards the other, rather than on an ideological interpretation of the absolute Good.Show less
This dissertation seeks to determine whether either anarchism or republicanism can realise the ideal of non-domination . Such work is of interest as adherents of these political ideologies, both...Show moreThis dissertation seeks to determine whether either anarchism or republicanism can realise the ideal of non-domination . Such work is of interest as adherents of these political ideologies, both increasingly prominent in recent years, have advanced their positions through the language of non-domination. It is argued that the republican approach to pursuing non-domination is, ultimately, unsuccessful. In contrast, it will be shown that anarchism, both in its ideals and its practices, is compatible with a plausible account of non-domination.Show less
Er bestaat een verschil tussen materie en leven, tussen verstandelijke berekenbaarheid en het onmiddellijke ervaren van een gegeven geheel. In een tijd waarin quasiwetenschappelijke slagzinnen als ...Show moreEr bestaat een verschil tussen materie en leven, tussen verstandelijke berekenbaarheid en het onmiddellijke ervaren van een gegeven geheel. In een tijd waarin quasiwetenschappelijke slagzinnen als ‘depressie is een gebrek aan serotonine’ en ‘wij zijn ons brein’ meervoudig en onkritisch worden aangehaald, is het juist van belang om vanuit een filosofisch fundament de betekenisreductie te kunnen belichten, die zich mogelijk binnen zowel het academische als publieke denken voltrekt. Dat filosofische fundament wordt in dit werkstuk met name gezocht in een aantal manuscripten van Wilhelm Dilthey, waarin hij met het traditionele voorstellende denken van de Avondlandse filosofie breekt. Door basaal filosofische vraagstukken over tijd en betekenis te volgen binnen Dilthey's denken, komt een andere denkwijze aan bod die het reducerende materie-denken waar nodig weet te weerstaan, en als demarcatiecriterium kan gelden ten aanzien van betekenis en betekenisloosheid, onberekenbare levendigheid en manipuleerbare materie.Show less
